Enabling and constraining features of donor accountability and its relationship to beneficiary accountability

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to theorise and empirically examine the views of various NGO stakeholders on the role of donors in facilitating beneficiary accountability.

Method: The paper adopts a case study design and draws primarily on semi-structured interviews with the officials of a large development NGO, donor representatives and regulators.

Findings: We find that donor accountability contains both enabling and constraining features in relation to beneficiary accountability. Our evidence shows that while legitimising their own actions, donors’ accountability requirements embed some enabling provisions of beneficiary accountability, such as participation, monitoring, evaluation and lessons learning, which facilitate beneficiary accountability (Ebrahim, 2003b). We argue that exerting the attributes of power, legitimacy and urgency donors are in a position to realise their accountability claims (Mitchell, Agle, & Wood, 1997) and can hold funded NGOs to account. In the absence of beneficiaries’ power and the unwillingness of regulators to hold NGOs to account, donors’ accountability can play a complementary role in making an NGO accountable to its beneficiaries. Finally, we capture and illustrate some constraining features of donor accountability which limits the promotion of beneficiary accountability.

Research limitations/implications: The findings have significant implications for the policy makers and donors in the context of the current phenomenon of NGOs drive for self-sustainability via commercial activities which are actively encouraged by the donors.

Originality: This paper provides an alternative theorisation of donor accountability in a development NGO context. It draws on rare qualitative empirical data which incorporate the views of multiple groups (including donors which is hitherto rare in the NGO accountability literature) who are directly and/or indirectly involved in setting and negotiating NGO-donors accountability relationship. It enhances our understanding in terms providing a more nuanced portrayal of donor accountability.

The first major step in the peace process’? Exploring the impact of the Anglo-Irish Agreement on Irish Republican thinking

This article supports interpretations of the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985 as a significant factor contributing to the development of the Northern Ireland peace process. However, it also emphasises a certain serendipity in the Agreement's effect on northern nationalist, and more specifically republican, politics in the region. In particular, it stresses that a specific interpretation of the Agreement promoted by the Social Democratic and Labour Party inspired a dialogue with republicanism, encouraging an ongoing reappraisal within the latter about the nature of Britain's role in Northern Ireland. This, the article argues, reinforced the movement towards a more political approach that republicans had begun in the 1980s, and encouraged their eventual embrace of a constitutional strategy in the 1990s. However, in advancing this argument, the article notes that such an outcome was far from the minds of the British and Irish officials who negotiated the Anglo-Irish Agreement. The Agreement was intended to marginalise rather than accommodate republicans. Despite this, it provided an inadvertent incentive to draw militant republicanism into the democratic process in Northern Ireland.

The first major step in the peace process’? Exploring the impact of the Anglo-Irish Agreement on Irish republican thinking

This article supports interpretations of the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985 as a significant factor contributing towards the development of the Northern Ireland peace process. However, it also emphasises a certain serendipity in the Agreement’s effect on northern nationalist, and more specifically republican, politics in the region. In particular, it stresses that a specific interpretation of the Agreement promoted by the SDLP inspired a dialogue with republicanism, encouraging an ongoing re-appraisal within the latter about the nature of Britain’s role in Northern Ireland. This, the article argues, reinforced the movement towards a more political approach that republicans had begun in the 1980s, and encouraged their eventual embrace of a constitutional strategy in the 1990s. However, in advancing this argument, the article notes that such an outcome was far from the minds of the British and Irish officials who negotiated the Anglo-Irish Agreement. The Agreement was intended to marginalise rather than accommodate republicans. Despite this, it provided an inadvertent incentive to draw militant republicanism into the democratic process in Northern Ireland.

Conflicts in the Middle East since 1945, (London: Routledge, 2007, Third Edition).

This third edition of Conflicts in the Middle East since 1945 analyzes the nature of conflict in the Middle East, with its racial, ethnic, political, cultural, religious and economic factors. Throughout the book Peter Hinchcliffe and Beverley Milton-Edwards put the main conflicts into their wider context, with thematic debates on issues such as the emergence of radical Islam, the resolution of conflicts, diplomacy and peace-making, and the role of the superpowers.

The book is brought fully up to date with events in the Middle East, covering, for instance, developments in Iraq in 2006 where a democratically elected government is in place but the insurgency show no sign of coming under control. The analysis of the Palestinian/Israeli conflict is also brought up to the present day, to include the election of the Hamas government and the 2006 conflict between Israel and Lebanon’s Hizballah.

Including a newly updated bibliography and maps of the area, this is the perfect introduction for all students wishing to understand the complex situation in the Middle East, in its historical context.

Gender and Politics in Northern Ireland: the representation gap revisited

This article examines the nature of gender politics in Northern Ireland since the 1998 Good Friday/Belfast Agreement. Taking gender justice as a normative democratic framework, the article argues that despite the promise of women's equal participation in public and political life written into the Agreement, parties have delivered varied responses to integrating women, women's interests and perspectives into politics and policy platforms. This contrasts with general patterns supporting women's increased participation in social and political life. The article discusses women's descriptive and substantive representation through electoral outcomes and party manifestos, using the demands of successive women's manifestos as a benchmark. It concludes that while parties have given less recognition and inclusion to women than one might have expected in a new political context, the push for democratic accountability will ensure that gender politics will continue to have a place on the political agenda for some time to come.

Legislating for political gender quotas in Ireland

In July 2012, legislation on political party funding and candidate gender quotas was enacted by the Irish Parliament. The Electoral (Amendment) (Political Funding) Act 2012 provides for a 30% gender quota for party candidates at the next general election, rising to 40% seven years thereafter. Non-compliant parties will lose half of their annual state funding. Informed by insights from feminist institutionalism, this paper will consider the question: why did Irish political parties, who have always been so reluctant to tackle the question of women’s under-representation, suddenly do a volte-face and introduce such a radical measure as legislative gender quotas? In answering this question, we argue that the political reform discourse that emerged following the recent Irish economic crisis was a significant factor in the adoption of legislative gender quotas in the Republic of Ireland. It signified, and made visible, the divergence between politicians and the public on the issue in a context where political representatives were under question, and political institutions being criticised, for ineffective political management. We contend that Ireland is an example of how apparently enduring and immutable gender norms can be overcome. We suggest that feminist institutionalism enables an unpacking of the messy complexities of institutional resistance to change and reveals the power of informal institutions to shape outcomes leading to a major formal rule change.

Employers, trade unions and concession bargaining in the Irish recession

The issue of concession bargaining between employers and unions during the Great Recession has received little attention in the research literature. This article presents a systematic analysis of the conduct of concession bargaining during the recession in Ireland in the context of three forms of concession bargaining identified in the international literature: integrative concession bargaining, distributive concession bargaining and ultra concession bargaining – each with different but overlapping sets of institutional foundations and implications for employers and trade unions. Drawing on focus groups of managers and union officials and a representative survey of employers, the article shows that distributive concession bargaining has been the predominant form in the Irish recession. This form of concession bargaining is likely to have few lasting direct effects on employer or union roles in collective bargaining but nevertheless appears to have significant indirect implications for the silent marginalization of unions in workplaces.

Enabling Robust and Efficient Distributed Computation in Dynamic Peer-to-Peer Networks

Motivated by the need for designing efficient and robust fully-distributed computation in highly dynamic networks such as Peer-to-Peer (P2P) networks, we study distributed protocols for constructing and maintaining dynamic network topologies with good expansion properties. Our goal is to maintain a sparse (bounded degree) expander topology despite heavy {\em churn} (i.e., nodes joining and leaving the network continuously over time). We assume that the churn is controlled by an adversary that has complete knowledge and control of what nodes join and leave and at what time and has unlimited computational power, but is oblivious to the random choices made by the algorithm. Our main contribution is a randomized distributed protocol that guarantees with high probability the maintenance of a {\em constant} degree graph with {\em high expansion} even under {\em continuous high adversarial} churn. Our protocol can tolerate a churn rate of up to $O(n/\poly\log(n))$ per round (where $n$ is the stable network size). Our protocol is efficient, lightweight, and scalable, and it incurs only $O(\poly\log(n))$ overhead for topology maintenance: only polylogarithmic (in $n$) bits needs to be processed and sent by each node per round and any node's computation cost per round is also polylogarithmic. The given protocol is a fundamental ingredient that is needed for the design of efficient fully-distributed algorithms for solving fundamental distributed computing problems such as agreement, leader election, search, and storage in highly dynamic P2P networks and enables fast and scalable algorithms for these problems that can tolerate a large amount of churn.

1916: A Global History

The mud-filled, blood-soaked trenches of the Low Countries and North-Eastern Europe were essential battlegrounds during the First World War, but the war reached many other corners of the globe, and events elsewhere significantly affected its course.

Covering the twelve months of 1916, eminent historian Keith Jeffery uses twelve moments from a range of locations and shows how they reverberated around the world. As well as discussing better-known battles such as Gallipoli, Verdun and the Somme, Jeffery examines Dublin, for the Easter Rising, East Africa, the Italian front, Central Asia and Russia, where the killing of Rasputin exposed the internal political weakness of the country's empire. And, in charting a wide range of wartime experience, he studies the 'intelligence war', naval engagements at Jutland and elsewhere, as well as the political consequences that ensued from the momentous US presidential election.

Using an extraordinary range of military, social and cultural sources, and relating the individual experiences on the ground to wider developments, these are the stories lost to history, the conflicts that spread beyond the sphere of Europe and the moments that transformed the war. - See more at: http://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/1916-9781408834305/#sthash.axFq0psR.dpuf

Plus Ça Change: The 2014 Local Elections in Northern Ireland

The local government elections of 22 May 2014 in Northern Ireland were the first to be held under revised district boundaries, with 11 'super councils' replacing the 26-council model used since 1973. Despite the structural reform, little changed in terms of political party support. Although they suffered some losses, the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin remained firmly entrenched as the two dominant players at local government level in Northern Ireland. The Ulster Unionist Party enjoyed only a marginal increase in its vote share, while the Social Democratic and Labour Party recorded one of the worst electoral performances in its history. Elsewhere, the Traditional Unionist Voice enjoyed a 'breakthrough' election and the Alliance Party defied widely held predictions that it would suffer at the polls as a result of its role in the Union flag crisis. The campaign was overshadowed by both the concurrent European Parliament contest and several crises of power-sharing at Stormont. As a result, distinctly local government issues received scant and fleeting attention. The contest saw the lowest local election turnout in Northern Ireland's history, continuing a general trend of increasing voter apathy in the province.

Occurrence of the pinewood nematode, Bursaphelenchus xylophilus in Portugal and perspectives of the disease spread in Europe.

In 1999, the pinewood nematode (PWN) , Bursaphelenchus xylophilus was found and identified for the first time in Portugal and in Europe. Following detection, Portuguese authorities initiated the implementation of eradication measures during 1999 and 2000, following an alert provided to European Community officials; as a result, the nematode was confirmed to be confined in the Setúbal region, near Lisbon. A task force from the follow-up group (GANP) created by the Secretary of State for the Rural Development established a national eradication programme (PROLUNP) to (1) Contain PWN within the initial geographic limits; (2) Implement eradication measures; and (3) Monitor PWN at a national level. Research is presently being conducted both at universities as well as research institutes, focusing on the characterization ofBursaphelenchus species associated with maritime pine, as well as on the insect vector, Monochamus galloprovincialis. Recent reports indicate that the nematode may be present in Siberia (Russia), which would present a threat to Eastern European forestry. Efforts are presently being developed by several European countries to establish a research consortium to detect and study the possible presence of PWN, for a new PRAs. A recent workshop held in Portugal, in 2001, has been an oportunity for sharing experiences and techniques on detection and control. There is clearly a greater awareness of this issue in Europe.

Turismo desportivo no concelho de Évora

Na divulgação de qualquer destino turístico é necessário ter em conta diversos fatores. Esta dissertação teve como principal objetivo analisar a procura e a oferta ao nível do turismo desportivo no concelho de Évora. Foi estudado o turismo desportivo no município de Évora, que é um dos maiores destinos turísticos da região Alentejo. Aplicando questionários de maneira a saber qual a opinião dos turistas relativamente a atividades desportivas praticadas neste destino. Foram ainda realizadas duas entrevistas a responsáveis da Câmara Municipal de Évora e ao Diretor de uma empresa de Animação Turística. A falta de estratégia no sector é evidenciada pelo facto dos visitantes não apresentarem como motivação primária a prática de atividades desportivas. Sendo o Turismo e o Desporto sectores económicos de grande importância em termos globais e locais, verificou-se que no concelho de Évora o Turismo Desportivo pode ser um grande agente de desenvolvimento em diversas áreas; Abstract: Sports Tourism in Évora Municipality The disclosure of any tourist destination should be taken into account several factors. This work aimed to analise the demand and supply in terms of sports tourism in Évora municipality. An investigation was made to the city of Évora, which is one of the biggest tourist destinations in Alentejo region, applying questionnaire in order to know the opinion of tourists with regard to sports activities practiced in this destination. They were also carried out two interviews with officials of the Municipality of Évora, and the Director of a Tourism Entertainment company. The lack of strategy in the sector is demonstrated by the fact that visitors do not present as the primary motivation to practice sports activities. Tourism and Sports are sectors of great importance in global and local economy, it was found that in Évora county, Sports Tourism can be a major agent of development in several areas.

Motivações do gestor e instrumentos contabilísticos utilizados na gestão dos resultados: o caso das autarquias locais

Face aos princípios orientadores do New Public Management a política orçamental, continuando a ser primordial na avaliação do desempenho do gestor público, deixou de ser o seu único meio de avaliação, constituindo a informação proporcionada pela contabilidade financeira uma ferramenta essencial para aferir a racionalidade, a economia, a eficiência e a eficácia da aplicação dos recursos na satisfação das necessidades dos cidadãos/eleitores. O presente trabalho de investigação tem como objectivo proporcionar conhecimento acerca dos incentivos que podem motivar o gestor autárquico à prática da gestão dos resultados bem como identificar os procedimentos contabilísticos utilizados para essa gestão. O trabalho desenvolvido assentou em pressupostos das teorias da agência e da escolha pública que permitiram formular as hipóteses a testar no estudo empírico. Os resultados obtidos confirmam o pressuposto fundamental de ambas as teorias: na presença de uma relação de agência em que existem conflitos de interesse entre o gestor e o principal, o gestor procura actuar oportunisticamente no seu interesse próprio, maximizando o seu bem-estar. Confirmam, igualmente, que numa perspectiva de sinalização de desempenho e competência, com vista à reeleição, o autarca procede à gestão dos resultados tendo como objectivo evitar divulgar resultados negativos e procurar divulgar resultados positivos próximos de zero num nível que não seja considerado excessivo por parte, nomeadamente, do cidadão, dos grupos de interesse e dos partidos políticos.

Novos dilemas, velhas soluções? - patronagem e governos partidários

A patronagem tem sido considerada uma importante dimensão do modelo de governos partidários. Contudo, a concepção convencional da utilização da patronagem remete para a distribuição de cargos na administração pública a ocorrer para efeitos de recompensa por serviços prestados ao partido no governo, ou como mecanismo de compensação relativamente à incapacidade do partido no governo de converter as preferências em políticas públicas. Esta perspectiva não é inteiramente satisfatória. A crescente complexificação e fragmentação dos processos de governação, juntamente com o poder das estruturas administrativas no processo de políticas públicas parece impelir os governos partidários a procurarem novas formas de controlar a máquina administrativa do Estado. Através do controlo político da administração, os partidos no governo procuram obter uma máquina administrativa responsiva e accountable, o que pode ter consequências para a prossecução dos objectivos de controlo de políticas públicas dos partidos no governo. Deste modo, a patronagem – definida como a distribuição de cargos na cúpula dirigente da administração pública e semi-pública – pode converter-se num recurso chave para os partidos ao nível do controlo do processo de políticas públicas, permitindo-lhes assegurar um papel na governação democrática moderna. Este estudo permite confirmar, em primeiro lugar, a incapacidade de, durante o período democrático, institucionalizar mecanismos legais que possam promover a profissionalização da administração pública. Tal decorre da acentuada tendência para a revisão do enquadramento legal, que acompanha a alternância partidária no governo, sem contudo, permitir configurar um quadro legal capaz de restringir a discricionariedade política formal sobre a máquina administrativa do Estado. Em segundo lugar Portugal surge, no contexto dos 19 países europeus analisados, entre os países com maior amplitude na discricionariedade política formal. Tal como os seus congéneres do Sul da Europa, Portugal tem sido considerado como um país onde a patronagem pode penetrar os níveis hierárquicos mais baixos, motivada por questões de recompensa partidária. Esta narrativa negligencia, contudo, as consideráveis diferenças que existem entre níveis hierárquico, ignorando as diferentes motivações para a patronagem. Além disso, a perspectiva de políticos, dirigentes e outros observadores, sugere que a utilização efectiva dos mecanismos de controlo ex ante é limitada em Portugal, quando comparado com outras democracias europeias, apontando para o limitado poder explicativo da legislação em relação ao recurso à patronagem. Esta investigação pretende, assim, reanalisar a narrativa relativa à influência partidária e ao papel da patronagem para os governos partidários em Portugal. Desta forma, o estudo da importância da patronagem para os governos partidários foi baseado na análise dos padrões de patronagem em Portugal, através da análise empírica de 10482 nomeações para a cúpula da estrutura dirigente. Esta análise quantitativa foi complementada por entrevistas a 51 dirigentes, ministros e observadores privilegiados, que especificam a operacionalização da patronagem e as estratégias utilizadas pelos partidos políticos. A análise destas duas fontes permitiu confirmar, em primeiro lugar, a existência de influências partidárias nas nomeações para a cúpula dirigente. Em segundo lugar, este estudo permite confirmar a coexistência das duas motivações da patronagem. Com efeito, a lógica das nomeações enquanto recompensa pode subsistir, ao mesmo tempo que tende a emergir um valor instrumental das nomeações, com estas a serem utilizadas (também) para reforçar o controlo político e reduzir os riscos associados ao processo de delegação. Contudo, as diferentes motivações da patronagem podem variar consoante o nível hierárquico e a fase do ciclo governativo. Enquanto instrumento de poder, a patronagem pode ser identificada nos níveis hierárquicos mais elevados. Pelo contrário, as motivações de recompensa emergem nas posições hierárquicas mais baixas, menos sujeitas ao controlo dos partidos da oposição e dos eleitores. A patronagem de poder tende, ainda, a ser mais saliente nas etapas iniciais dos mandatos governativos, com as motivações de recompensa a poderem ser identificadas no final dos mandatos. Em terceiro lugar, os resultados sugerem que a utilização da patronagem depende da competição partidária, com a acção fiscalizadora dos partidos da oposição a poder limitar as nomeações para cargos na cúpula da estrutura administrativa sem, contudo, poder impedir as nomeações para os níveis hierárquicos menos visíveis (estruturas intermédias, serviços periféricos e gabinetes ministeriais). Em quarto lugar, a politização estrutural emerge como uma estratégia que permite aos governos partidários contornarem a indiferença da administração pública face a novas prioridades políticas, ao mesmo tempo que parece emergir como um instrumento que permite legitimar as opções políticas dos governos partidários ou adiar decisões nas áreas sectoriais menos importantes para os governos partidários. De uma forma geral, os governos partidários parecem recorrer a velhos instrumentos como a patronagem, com uma solução para os novos dilemas que se colocam ao controlo partidário do processo de políticas públicas.