938 resultados para Dry turning


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The coming weeks and months will be decisive for the general tenor of politics in Turkey. The country faces local elections this March, presidential elections in August and general elections next June, while top-level political scandals compound the deterioration in the state of democracy and rule of law. At the same time, stagnation in Turkey’s accession process continues to sour relations with the EU. In this new Policy Brief, Steven Blockmans puts forward a number of recommendations to help drive the EU accession process forward, namely the early opening of negotiation chapters 23 (judiciary and fundamental rights) and 24 (justice, freedom and security), in line with the EU’s so-called New Approach. In that way reform could not just be assured on paper, but a track record in implementation could be established throughout the process. To achieve this, member states, and Cyprus in particular, need to be persuaded to end their opposition to formulating benchmarks for the opening of accession negotiating chapters 23 and 24.

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The power of the European Parliament in EU trade policy has increased significantly with the Lisbon Treaty. Even though it had already acquired a greater informal role, the codification of its involvement enables the EP to have a stronger say in trade policy. Against the background of increased legal competences granted by the Treaty of Lisbon to the European Parliament in EU trade policy, this Policy Brief addresses two important questions. The first concerns the extent to which the EP’s power in trade policy has increased: Has the EP effectively played a bigger role since the end of 2009? The second relates to the substance of the EP’s trade policy preferences: Does the EP attempt to push EU trade relations into a more or less normative and/or protectionist direction? Its main argument is that the Lisbon Treaty not only heralds a major leap forward in legal terms, but that the current EP legislature has also managed to increase its political clout in trade policy-making. Nevertheless, a major challenge for the new EP legislature 2014-2019 will be to turn this into effective influence.

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The March 2014 European Council could enter the history books as a turning point, not only in the EU’s relations with Russia but also in its role as a foreign policy actor. Events in Ukraine inevitably dominated the Summit, with EU leaders adopting a balanced approach aimed at achieving three key objectives – de-escalation, containment/deterrence and cooperation – based on political and economic support for Ukraine, increased but limited pressure on Russia, and moves to strengthen ties with other EU neighbours. The Summit also discussed a range of economic and environmental policy issues, with the situation in Ukraine casting a long shadow over the discussion on energy policy, but failed to reach agreement on the EU’s climate goals to 2030, or to put more flesh on the bones of calls for a European “industrial renaissance”. However, two other developments were particularly significant: the creation of the second pillar of the future banking union, establishing a single regime for winding down failing banks; and changes to the savings tax directive, bringing years of negotiation to an end.

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It is paradoxical and symbolic that it has taken Ukraine two waves of mass protests to conclude a new agreement with the EU. As a result, the political and geopolitical implications of the Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine are very high. This means that it cannot be regarded merely as one of many trade agreements signed by the EU with its numerous trading partners. More attention needs to be paid to the role and impact of the Association Agreement on Ukraine. This requires screening, prioritising and sequencing of the approximation process at the national, sectoral and regional levels. Implementing the Agreement in a cost-effective way will allow Ukraine to derive benefits in the short-to-medium term, at the very time when Russia is sparing no efforts to inflict harm on the Ukrainian economy to punish the country for its European orientation.

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Culminating an almost unprecedented tour de force of Council meetings in various formations, the European Council reached agreement on a comprehensive economic policy package on March 24-25th that effectively completes the economic arm of economic and monetary union (EMU) and, if consistently applied, holds out the promise of ending stagnation and dismal employment performance throughout the European Union.

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"We are working on a daily basis with each and every one, to make steps towards the European integration of the Western Balkans." High Representative/Vice President Federica Mogherini Western Balkans Summit, Paris, 4 July 2016

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The aim of this study was to investigate the effect of a soy diet on the excretion of Brachyspira hyodysenteriae in five farms with subclinically infected pigs. The effects on general health, faecal consistency and dry matter were analysed. In total, 200 pigs of different ages (group 1 <100 days of age (n=120) and group 2 ≥100 days (n=80)) were randomly assigned to the control (C) and the treatment (T) groups. Group C received the farm's standard diet. In group T half of the daily feed ration was replaced by pure soy on two consecutive days. Faecal scores were used to determine faecal consistency and a microwave method to assess faecal dry matter content (FDMC). In age group 1, soy feeding resulted in a statistically significant decrease of the FDMC of 2.5 per cent compared with group C and in age group 2 in a significant increase of 2.2 per cent compared with group C at day 2. Overall seven (T: 5, C: 2) out of 597 faecal samples tested positive for B hyodysenteriae by PCR. In conclusion, a high soy diet applied over two days influenced the faecal consistency and the FDMC in growers, finishers and sows under field conditions. Further investigations with more sensitive diagnostic methods are needed to prove a potential influence of a high soy diet on the detection rate of B hyodysenteriae in subclinically infected herds.

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Matric effects contribute less to the water potential of soils in the McMurdo Dry Valleys of Antarctica (informally known as the Ross Desert) than do the mineral salts of these soils. Since soil samples from the same area can exhibit 10-fold differences in mineral content, it is important that water potentials be determined on the same samples used for microbiological unvestigations. The psychrophilic yeast content of fertile soil samples from the arid highlands of the McMurdo Dry valleys indicated that the effective water content of these soils did not exceed ca. 4.5% (v/w).

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The McMurdo Dry Valleys, Antarctica (MDV) are among the oldest landscapes on Earth, and some landforms there present an intriguing apparent contradiction such that millions of years old surface deposits maintain their meter-scale morphology despite the fact that measured erosion rates are 0.1-4 m/Ma. We analyzed the concentration of cosmic ray-produced 10Be and 26Al in quartz sands from regolith directly above and below two well-documented ash deposits in the MDV, the Arena Valley ash (40Ar/39Ar age of 4.33 Ma) and the Hart ash (K-Ar age of 3.9 Ma). Measured concentrations of 10Be and 26Al are significantly less than expected given the age of the in situ air fall ashes and are best interpreted as reflecting the degradation rate of the overlying sediments. The erosion rate of the material above the Arena Valley ash that best explains the observed isotope profiles is 3.5 ± 0.41 x 10**-5 g/cm**2/yr (~0.19 m/Ma) for the past ~4 Ma. For the Hart ash, the erosion rate is 4.8 ± 0.21 x 10**-4 g/cm**2/yr (~2.6 m/Ma) for the past ~1 Ma. The concentration profiles do not show signs of mixing, creep, or deflation caused by sublimation of ground ice. These results indicate that the slow, steady lowering of the surface without vertical mixing may allow landforms to maintain their meter-scale morphology even though they are actively eroding.