933 resultados para Contemporary political thought
Resumo:
This paper analyses the representations of the body present in contemporary science-fiction literature and film. Using theoretical concepts by Althusser, Foucault and Haraway, the text establishes first a typology of cybernetic organisms in contemporary culture and reviews its presence and ideological implications in films like Robocop (1987), Johny Mnemonic (1995) or Matrix (1999). The paper argues for a self-conscience as political and historical subjects in order to avoid falling into a fallacious cyberandroginy that reinforces phallogocentric power structures.
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This paper offers empirical evidence from Spain of a connection between the tax administration and the political power. Firstly, the regional tax administration is not immune to the budgetary situation of regional government, and tends to exert a greater (or lesser) effort in tax collection the greater (or lower) the (expected) public deficit. At the same time, the system of unconditional grants from the central layer of government provokes an ¿income effect¿ which disincentivises the efforts of the tax administration. Secondly, these efforts also decrease when the margin to lose a parliamentary seat in an electoral district is cut, although the importance of this disincentive decreases according to the parliamentary strength of the incumbent
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We analyze whether local land supply is influenced by the degree of political competition, and interpret the findings as being indicative of the influence wielded by land development lobbies. We use a new database including both political and land supply data for more than 2,000 Spanish municipalities for the period 2003-2007. In Spain, land use policies are largely a local responsibility with municipalities having periodically to pass compre- hensive land use plans. The main policy variable in these plans, and the one analyzed here, is the amount of land classified for potential development. We measure local political competition as the margin of victory of the incumbent government. We instrument this variable using the number of votes obtained by parties represented in local government when standing at the first national legislative elections following the re-establishment of democracy, and the number of votes they actually obtained regionally at the national legislative elections. The results indicate that stiffer political competition does indeed reduce the amount of new land designated for development. This effect is found to be most marked in suburbs, in towns with a high percent of commuters and homeowners, and in municipalities governed by the left.
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Paul Ricoeur construit la philosophie comme une hétérotopie, en la soumettant à l'ordre, juridique et théologique, d'un «aveu». En soustrayant la pensée à la compétence première de la philosophie pour l'accorder à l'ordre d'un récit, Ricoeur fait de l'exercice de la philosophie une «empirique de la volonté serve». Ce primat donné à un ordre de médiation, par le biais d'un récit, dépouille ainsi la philosophie de toute tâche inaugurale. Dans ses Valences of the Dialectic, le philosophe américain Jameson est revenu de façon critique sur ce montage, soulignant le paradoxe qui oblige Ricoeur à ôter la pensée du temps des tâches premières de la phénoménologie. Cet article vise à en exposer les conséquences (notamment le basculement vers une herméneutique), pour interroger les effets théologico-politiques de ce vaste projet. --- Paul Ricoeur has built up philosophy as a heterotopy by submitting it to the juridical and theological order of a "confession". By taking away thought as the primus competence of philosophy, and attributing it to narration, Ricoeur transforms philosophy into an "empirics of the serve-will". This priority given to mediation through narration deprives philosophy from any inaugural task. In his Valences of the Dialectic, the American philosopher Jameson has critically questioned this construction, underlining the paradox that forces Ricoeur to take away thought of time from the primus tasks of phenomenology. This paper intends to expose the consequences of such a deal (among others the swing to hermeneutics), and to inquire about the theologico-political effects of such a vast project.
Resumo:
We analyze whether local land supply is influenced by the degree of political competition, and interpret the findings as being indicative of the influence wielded by land development lobbies. We use a new database including both political and land supply data for more than 2,000 Spanish municipalities for the period 2003-2007. In Spain, land use policies are largely a local responsibility with municipalities having periodically to pass compre- hensive land use plans. The main policy variable in these plans, and the one analyzed here, is the amount of land classified for potential development. We measure local political competition as the margin of victory of the incumbent government. We instrument this variable using the number of votes obtained by parties represented in local government when standing at the first national legislative elections following the re-establishment of democracy, and the number of votes they actually obtained regionally at the national legislative elections. The results indicate that stiffer political competition does indeed reduce the amount of new land designated for development. This effect is found to be most marked in suburbs, in towns with a high percent of commuters and homeowners, and in municipalities governed by the left.
Resumo:
This paper offers empirical evidence from Spain of a connection between the tax administration and the political power. Firstly, the regional tax administration is not immune to the budgetary situation of regional government, and tends to exert a greater (or lesser) effort in tax collection the greater (or lower) the (expected) public deficit. At the same time, the system of unconditional grants from the central layer of government provokes an ¿income effect¿ which disincentivises the efforts of the tax administration. Secondly, these efforts also decrease when the margin to lose a parliamentary seat in an electoral district is cut, although the importance of this disincentive decreases according to the parliamentary strength of the incumbent
Resumo:
This empirical work applies a duration model to the study of factors determining privatization of local water services. I assess how factors determining privatization decision evolve as time goes by. A sample of 133 Spanish municipalities during the six terms of office taken place during the 1980-2002 period is analyzed. A dynamic neighboring effect is hypothesized and successfully tested. In a first stage, private water supply firms may try to expand to regions where there is no service privatized, in order to spread over this region after having being installed thanks to its scale advantages. Other factors influencing privatization decision evolve during the two decades under study, from the priority to fix old infrastructures to the concern about service efficiency. Some complementary results regarding political and budgetary factors are also obtained
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Abstract: Readin films through political classics
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Research on regulation has crossed paths with the literature on policy instruments, showing that regulatory policy instruments contain cognitive and normative beliefs about policy. Thus, their usage stacks the deck in favor of one type of actor or one type of regulatory solution. In this article, we challenge the assumption that there is a predetermined relationship between ideas, regulatory policy instruments, and outcomes. We argue that different combinations of conditions lead to different outcomes, depending on how actors use the instrument. Empirically, we analyze 31 EU and UK case studies of regulatory impact assessment (RIA) - a regulatory policy instrument that has been pivotal in the so-called better regulation movement. We distinguish four main usages of RIA, that is, political, instrumental, communicative, and perfunctory. We find that in our sample instrumental usage is not so rare and that the contrast between communicative and political usages is less stark than is commonly thought. In terms of policy recommendations, our analysis suggests that there may be different paths to desirable outcomes. Policymakers should therefore explore different combinations of conditions leading to the usages they deem desirable rather than arguing for a fixed menu of variables.