The Resonance of Beauty

Beauty is a central concern in the works of two modern American poets, Elizabeth Bishop and Richard Wilbur. Both poets have formal styles with emphases on descriptive imagery and natural tropes. While these two poets have often been studied individually in their own right, they have not previously been studied together with the particular focus on beauty. So, in my thesis, through close study of many of their works, I draw out their understandings of beauty and discuss how they relate to each other and to their audience. Iprimarily utilize their most extensive collections, which are Bishop’s The Complete Poems: 1927-1979 and Wilbur’s Collected Poems:1943 - 2004. I also drew from other less anthologized sources and prose work. In my first chapter, I examine Bishop’s work closely, and in my second chapter I analyze Wilbur’s poetry. I conclude that the concept of beauty is similarly important for both poets, but motivates them to different levels of action and commitment,Bishop’s understanding of life being less spiritual than Wilbur’s. I introduce the possibility that beauty represents a positive reality that may prove more inspiring and victorious than the pain and hardship encountered throughout human life.

The Assertion of Identity: Storytelling and Testimony in the Works of Edwidge Danticat

Haitian-American author Edwidge Danticat evokes the Haitian tradition of storytelling in many of her novels and short story collections. A tradition formulated by vodou religion and the amalgamation of African cultures, storytelling acts to entertain, educate and enlighten the people of Haiti. Additionally, her novels are often written in the context of traumatic events in Haitian history. While Danticat's works have been studied with focus on their depiction of storytelling and of trauma, little has been done on the restorative power that storytelling provides. In this thesis, I seek to examine the potential for Danticat's characters and works to create narratives that build community, present testimony, and aid traumatized individuals in recovery.

A Sociological Study of the Political Subsystem in Yugoslavia

In this critical analysis of sociological studies of the political subsystem in Yugoslavia since the fall of communism Mr. Ilic examined the work of the majority of leading researchers of politics in the country between 1990 and 1996. Where the question of continuity was important, he also looked at previous research by the writers in question. His aim was to demonstrate the overall extent of existing research and at the same time to identify its limits and the social conditions which defined it. Particular areas examined included the problems of defining basic concepts and selecting the theoretically most relevant indicators; the sources of data including the types of authentic materials exploited; problems of research work (contacts, field control, etc.); problems of analysisl and finally the problems arising from different relations with the people who commission the research. In the first stage of the research, looking at methods of defining key terms, special attention was paid to the analysis of the most frequently used terms such as democracy, totalitarianism, the political left and right, and populism. Numerous weaknesses were noted in the analytic application of these terms. In studies of the possibilities of creating a democratic political system in Serbia and its possible forms (democracy of the majority or consensual democracy), the profound social division of Serbian society was neglected. The left-right distinction tends to be identified with the government-opposition relation, in the way of practical politics. The idea of populism was used to pass responsibility for the policy of war from the manipulator to the manipulated, while the concept of totalitarianism is used in a rather old-fashioned way, with echoes of the cold war. In general, the terminology used in the majority of recent research on the political subsystem in Yugoslavia is characterised by a special ideological style and by practical political material, rather than by developed theoretical effort. The second section of analysis considered the wider theoretical background of the research and focused on studies of the processes of transformation and transition in Yugoslav society, particularly the work of Mladen Lazic and Silvano Bolcic, who he sees as representing the most important and influential contemporary Yugoslav sociologists. Here Mr. Ilic showed that the meaning of empirical data is closely connected with the stratification schemes towards which they are oriented, so that the same data can have different meanings in shown through different schemes. He went on to show the observed theoretical frames in the context of wider ideological understanding of the authors' ideas and research. Here the emphasis was on the formalistic character of such notions as command economy and command work which were used in analysing the functioning and the collapse of communist society, although Mr. Ilic passed favourable judgement on the Lazic's critique of political over-determination in its various attempts to explain the disintegration of the communist political (sub)system. The next stage of the analysis was devoted to the problem of empirical identification of the observed phenomena. Here again the notions of the political left and right were of key importance. He sees two specific problems in using these notion in talking about Yugoslavia, the first being that the process of transition in the FR Yugoslavia has hardly begun. The communist government has in effect remained in power continuously since 1945, despite the introduction of a multi-party system in 1990. The process of privatisation of public property was interrupted at a very early stage and the results of this are evident on the structural level in the continuous weakening of the social status of the middle class and on the political level because the social structure and dominant form of property direct the majority of votes towards to communists in power. This has been combined with strong chauvinist confusion associated with the wars in Croatia and Bosnia, and these ideas were incorporated by all the relevant Yugoslav political parties, making it more difficult to differentiate between them empirically. In this context he quotes the situation of the stream of political scientists who emerged in the Faculty of Political Science in Belgrade. During the time of the one-party regime, this faculty functioned as ideological support for official communist policy and its teachers were unable to develop views which differed from the official line, but rather treated all contrasting ideas in the same way, neglecting their differences. Following the introduction of a multi-party system, these authors changed their idea of a public enemy, but still retained an undifferentiated and theoretically undeveloped approach to the issue of the identification of political ideas. The fourth section of the work looked at problems of explanation in studying the political subsystem and the attempts at an adequate causal explanation of the triumph of Slobodan Milosevic's communists at four subsequent elections was identified as the key methodological problem. The main problem Mr. Ilic isolated here was the neglect of structural factors in explaining the voters' choice. He then went on to look at the way empirical evidence is collected and studied, pointing out many mistakes in planning and determining the samples used in surveys as well as in the scientifically incorrect use of results. He found these weaknesses particularly noticeable in the works of representatives of the so-called nationalistic orientation in Yugoslav sociology of politics, and he pointed out the practical political abuses which these methodological weaknesses made possible. He also identified similar types of mistakes in research by Serbian political parties made on the basis of party documentation and using methods of content analysis. He found various none-sided applications of survey data and looked at attempts to apply other sources of data (statistics, official party documents, various research results). Mr. Ilic concluded that there are two main sets of characteristics in modern Yugoslav sociological studies of political subsystems. There are a considerable number of surveys with ambitious aspirations to explain political phenomena, but at the same time there is a clear lack of a developed sociological theory of political (sub)systems. He feels that, in the absence of such theory, most researcher are over-ready to accept the theoretical solutions found for interpretation of political phenomena in other countries. He sees a need for a stronger methodological bases for future research, either 1) in complementary usage of different sources and ways of collecting data, or 2) in including more of a historical dimension in different attempts to explain the political subsystem in Yugoslavia.

Videogames and Aggression in Teenagers

Victor Sazonov (Russia). Video Games and Aggression in Teenagers. Mr. Sazonov works as a psychologist at the Obninsk Linguistic College and worked on this research from July 1996 to June 1997. Mr. Sazonov conducted a survey of 200 tenth and eleventh graders in Moscow (94 boys and 106 girls), in which they were asked to estimate the total amount of time they spent playing video games each week and which games were the most popular. Aggression was also assessed using two measures, the first dealing with manifest physical aggression and the second with aggressive behavioural delinquency. The data collected showed that 62% of teenagers spend at least one hour a week playing video games, with 10% spending over seven hours on them. Girls tended to play less than boys (1.6 and 2.8 hours on average respectively). Eight of the ten most popular games require the player to perform acts of a violent nature. Boys also scored higher on the index of aggressive behavioural delinquency, with a mean of 7.0 compared to 4.6 for girls. The results of the correlation analysis between time spent playing video games and measures of aggression were mixed. No relation was found between manifest physical aggression and time spent on the games, although in the case of aggressive behavioural delinquency the link was significant, which seems to indicate that aggressive teenagers spend more time playing video games. While the lack of significant correlations between violent games and aggression suggest that video games may not in fact be as great a menace as their critics suggest, Mr. Sazonov admits that these findings may be influenced by the high number of teenagers who do not play games at all or play relatively little. He also suggests that the abstract nature of the violence in games (often directed against aliens or spaceships) may make it less of a risk than the more realistic violence seen on television. In summary, however, he concludes that his results provide more support for the theories saying that violent video games provide a stimulus to violent action, than for those which suggest that they may help defuse violent tendencies.

Franciszek Maczynski: a Monograph

Franciszek Maczynski was one of the best Polish architects of the early 20th century and Solewski used a wide range of materials to complete a bibliography of Maczynski's architectural, artistic and theoretical works, and a biography of the architect. From his analysis of the material collected, he concluded that Maczynski was a romantic architect, influenced by a vision to seek the essential Truth in historical patterns or artistic creativity. This determined his search for the ideal form and style in architecture, connecting 'national' and historical inspiration, the vernacular 'Zakopane Style', Gesamtkunstwek and modernistic severity. However, Maczynski worked closely with Tadeusz Stryjenski, his most important patron, who also used the 'beginner's' artistic talents, while he, as the 'boss', decided on commissions and profits. This experience led to Maczynski's involvement in the Spojnia partnership, creating simple engineering architecture and successfully locating wealthy investors. It was the liberal idea of establishing a building firm to make profits that turned Maczynski into a regular builder and entrepreneur, abandoning the romantic idea of 'artistic' or 'national' architecture. The transformation from artist to entrepreneur indeed reflected the opposition of romantic-liberal.