980 resultados para Class actions


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This study applies a Marxist theoretical paradigm to examine the working conditions of greenhouse workers in the Niagara Region, and the range of factors that bear upon the formation of their class-consciousness. The Niagara greenhouse industry represents one of the most developed horticultural regions in Canada and plays a prominent role in the local economy. The industry generates substantial revenues and employs a significant number of people, yet the greenhouse workers are paid one of the lowest rates in the region. Being classified as agricultural workers, the greenhouse employees are exempted from many provisions of federal and provincial labour regulations. Under the current provincial statutes, agricultural workers in Ontario are denied the right to organize and bargain collectively. Except for a few technical and managerial positions, the greenhouse industry employs mostly low-skilled workers who are subjected to poor working conditions that stem from the employer's attempts to adapt to larger structural imperatives of the capitalist economy. While subjected to these poor working conditions, the greenhouse workers are also affected by objectively alienated social relations and by ruling class ideological domination and hegemony. These two sets of factors arise from the inherent conflict of interests between wage-labour and capital but also militate against the development of class-consciousness. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 12 greenhouse workers to examine the role played by their material circumstances in the formulation of their social and political views as well as the extent to which they are aware of their class location and class interests. The hegemonic notions of 'common sense' acted as impediments to formation of classconsciousness. The greenhouse workers have virtually no opportunities to access alternative perspectives that would address the issues associated with exploitation in production and offer solutions leading to 'social justice'. Fonnidable challenges confront any organized political body seeking to improve the conditions of the working people.

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This qualitative study is an exploration of transformation theory, the Western tradition, and a critical evaluation of a graduate studies class at a university. It is an exploration of assumptions that are embedded in experience, that influence the experience and provide meaning about the experience. An attempt has been made to identify assumptions that are embedded in Western experience and connect them with assumptions that shape the graduate class experience. The focus is on assumptions that facilitate and impede large group discussions. Jungian psychology of personality type and archetype and developmental psychology is used to analyze the group experience. The pragmatic problem solving model, developed by Knoop, is used to guide thinking about the Western tradition. It is used to guide the analysis, synthesis and writing of the experience of the graduate studies class members. A search through Western history, philosophy. and science revealed assumptions about the nature of truth, reality, and the self. Assumptions embedded in Western thinking about the subject-object relationship, unity and diversity are made explicit. An attempt is made to identify Western tradition assumptions underlying transformation theory. The critical evaluation of the graduate studies class experience focuses upon issues associated with group process, self-directed learning, the educator-learner transaction and the definition of adult education. The advantages of making implicit assumptions explicit is explored.

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Research and practice regarding LO students usually has focussed upon defining and supplementing deficiencies rather than seeking unique talents and capability patterns for learning and expression. This study examined nine dimensions that may constitute artistic or creative talent and compared LDs with "regular-class" students, pair-wise and as groups, for levels and distributions of the dimensions. For 14 LO and 9 "regular-class" elementary-school subjects, both genders, data were taken by direct observation, from a standardized test and assessments by two practicing artists. Assessments by artists were in concord. LOs improved more in "Composition". No other significant class, age or gender-related differences were found.

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In this quasi-experimental study, the theory of reasoned action was used as a conceptual framework to assess the outcome effect of a predialysis class. A pretest, posttest design was used to determine changes in client knowledge about their condition and its treatment, and their intention, attitudes and social norm towards compliant behaviours. The related compliant behaviours were following a low-salt diet and taking medications as proscribed. Thirty-eight End Stage Renal Diseases (ESRD) clients were self-selected into the treatment or control groups. Both groups received the standard predialysis education from members of the multidisciplinary renal team. In addition, the treatment group also attended the predialysis class. Subjects' health locus of control, anxiety and demographic variables were measured as possible extraneous variables. Study subjects from both groups demonstrated a high internal and powerful others health locus of control and a normal range of anxiety. Although not statistically significant ill = .64), the experimental group demonstrated higher knowledge level and greater intention to follow a low salt diet UL= .73). They developed more significantly positive attitudes towards following a low salt diet and increased subjective norm influence after attending the predialysis class. Attending the predialysis class did not have an effect on subjects' intentions, attitudes or subjective norm towards taking medications as prescribed. Conclusion: The predialysis class was only marginally effective in increasing client knowledge, but influenced clients' attitudes towards following a low-salt diet. Based on the results, recommendations for improvements to the class have been suggested.

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The 50th reunion of the Class of 1933, Chapman College, Orange, California, May 19, 1983. First row, left to right: Ruth (Mercer) Dorrance, Toribio Castillo, Melva (Carlmark) Haskell, Felix Pascua, Henry Searle, and Lois (Huntley) Todd. Back row, left to right: Ruta (Pelley) Upham, Paul Dear, John Parker, Howard Metzger, Irvin C. "Ernie" Chapman and Tom West.

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On leaf preceding the t.p.: Battles of Chippawa and Lundy's Lane, by Charles Anderson, guide to the battle ground.

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The NDP was founded out of the ashes of the Co-Operative Commonwealth Federation to cooperate with the Canadian Labour Congress to become the 'political arm of organized labour' in Canada. The NDP has long claimed they are the party which represents the policy goals of organized labour in Canada: that the NDP alone will fight for trade union rights, and will fight for Canadian workers. Divergent Paths is an examination of the links between the labour movement and the ND P in an era ofneo-liberalism. Provincial NDP governments have become increasingly neoliberal in their ideological orientation, and have often proved to be no friend to the labour movement when they hold office. The Federal party has never held power, nor have they ever formed the Official Opposition. This thesis charts the progress of the federal NDP as they become more neoliberal from 1988 to 2006, and shows how this trend effects the links between the NDP and labour. Divergent Paths studies each federal election from 1988 to 2006, looking at the interactions between Labour and the NDP during these elections. Elections provide critical junctions to study discourse - party platforms, speeches, and other official documents can be used to examine discourse. Extensive newspaper searches were used to follow campaign events and policy speeches. Studying the party's discourse can be used to determine the ideological orientation of the party itself: the fact that the party's discourse has become neoliberal is a sure sign that the party itself is neoliberal. The NDP continues to drive towards the centre of the political spectrum in an attempt to gain multi-class support. The NDP seems more interested in gaining seats at any cost, rather then promoting the agenda of Labour. As the party attempts to open up to more multi-class support, Labour becomes increasingly marginalised in the party. A rift which arguably started well before the 1988 election was exacerbated during that election; labour encouraged the NDP to campaign solely on the issue of Free Trade, and the NDP did not. The 1993 election saw the rift between the two grow even further as the Federal NDP suffered major blowbacks from the actions of the Ontario NDP. The 1997 and 2000 elections saw the NDP make a deliberate move to the centre of the political spectrum which increasingly marginalised labour. In the 2004 election, Jack Layton made no attempt to move the party back to the left; and in 2006 the link between labour and the NDP was perhaps irreparably damaged when the CAW endorsed the Liberal party in a strategic voting strategy, and the CLC did not endorse the NDP. The NDP is no longer a reliable ally of organized labour. The Canadian labour movement must decide wether the NDP can be 'salvaged' or if the labour movement should end their alliance with the NDP and engage in a new political project.