941 resultados para Clandestine Centre of Detention
Resumo:
The NagC and Mlc proteins are homologous transcriptional regulators that control the expression of several phosphotransferase system (PTS) genes in Escherichia coli. NagC represses nagE, encoding the N-acetylglucosamine-specific transporter, while Mlc represses three PTS operons, ptsG, manXYZ and ptsHIcrr, involved in the uptake of glucose. NagC and Mlc can bind to each others operator, at least in vitro. A binding site selection procedure was used to try to distinguish NagC and Mlc sites. The major difference was that all selected NagC binding sites had a G or a C at positions +11/–11 from the centre of symmetry. This is also the case for most native NagC sites, but not the nagE operator, which thus looks like a potential Mlc target. The nagE operator does exhibit a higher affinity for Mlc than NagC, but no regulation of nagE by physiological concentrations of Mlc was detected in vivo. Regulation of wild-type nagE by NagC is achieved because of the chelation effect due to a second high affinity NagC operator covering the nagB promoter. Replacing the A/T at +11/–11 with C/G allows repression by NagC in the absence of the nagB operator.
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Quaternary ammonium-functionalized silica materials were synthesized and applied for solid-phase extraction (SPE) of aromatic amines, which are classified as priority pollutants by US Environmental Protection Agency. Hexamethylenetetramine used for silica surface modification for the first time was employed as SPE sorbent under normal phase conditions. Hexaminium-functionalized silica demonstrated excellent extraction efficiencies for o-toluidine, 4-ethylaniline and quinoline (recoveries 101–107%), while for N,N-dimethylaniline and N-isopropylaniline recoveries were from low to moderate (14–46%). In addition, the suitability of 1-alkyl-3-(propyl-3-sulfonate) imidazolium-functionalized silica as SPE sorbent was tested under normal phase conditions. The recoveries achieved for the five aromatic amines ranged from 89 to 99%. The stability of the sorbent was evaluated during and after 150 extractions. Coefficients of variation between 4.5 and 10.2% proved a high stability of the synthesized sorbent. Elution was carried out using acetonitrile in the case of hexaminium-functionalized silica and water for 1-alkyl-3-(propyl-3-sulfonate) imidazolium-functionalized silica sorbent. After the extraction the analytes were separated and detected by liquid chromatography ultraviolet detection (LC-UV). The retention mechanism of the materials was primarily based on polar hydrogen bonding and π–π interactions. Comparison made with activated silica proved the quaternary ammonium-functionalized materials to offer different selectivity and better extraction efficiencies for aromatic amines. Finally, 1-alkyl-3-(propyl-3-sulfonate) imidazolium-functionalized silica sorbent was successfully tested for the extraction of wastewater and soil samples.
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The electronic properties of hematite were investigated by means of synchrotron radiation photoemission (SR-PES) and X-ray absorption spectroscopy (XAS). Hematite samples were exposed to trimethyl aluminum (TMA) pulses, a widely used Al-precursor for the atomic layer deposition (ALD) of Al2O3. SR-PES and XAS showed that the electronic properties of hematite were modified by the interaction with TMA. In particular, the hybridization of O 2p states with Fe 3d and Fe 4s4p changed upon TMA pulses due to electron inclusion as polarons. The change of hybridization correlates with an enhancement of the photocurrent density due to water oxidation for the hematite electrodes. Such an enhancement has been associated with an improvement in charge carrier transport. Our findings open new perspectives for the understanding and utilization of electrode modifications by very thin ALD films and show that the interactions between metal precursors and substrates seem to be important factors in defining their electronic and photoelectrocatalytic properties.
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In this paper, the expression “neighbourhood policy” of the European Union (EU) is understood in a broad way which includes the members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) contracting parties to the European Economic Area (EEA), the EFTA State Switzerland, candidate states, the countries of the European Neighbour-hood Policy (ENP), and Russia. The European Court of Justice (ECJ) is the centre of gravity in the judicial dimension of this policy. The innermost circle of integration after the EU itself comprises the EFTA States who are party to the European Economic Area. With the EFTA Court, they have their own common court. The existence of two courts – the ECJ and the EFTA Court – raises the question of homogeneity of the case law. The EEA homogeneity rules resemble the ones of the Lugano Convention. The EFTA Court is basically obliged to follow or take into account relevant ECJ case law. But even if the ECJ has gone first, there may be constellations where the EFTA Court comes to the conclusion that it must go its own way. Such constellations may be given if there is new scientific evidence, if the ECJ has left certain questions open, where there is relevant case law of the European Court of Human Rights or where, in light of the specific circumstances of the case, there is room for “creative homogeneity”. However, in the majority of its cases the EFTA Court is faced with novel legal questions. In such cases, the ECJ, its Advocates General and the Court of First Instance make reference to the EFTA Court’s case law. The question may be posed whether the EEA could serve as a model for other regional associations. For the ENP states, candidate States and Russia this is hard to imagine. Their courts will to varying degrees look to the ECJ when giving interpretation to the relevant agreements. The Swiss Government is – at least for the time being – unwilling to make a second attempt to join the EEA. The European Commission has therefore proposed to the Swiss to dock their sectoral agreements with the EU to the institutions of the EFTA pillar, the EFTA Surveillance Authority (ESA) and the EFTA Court. Switzerland would then negotiate the right to nominate a member of the ESA College and of the EFTA Court. The Swiss Government has, however, opted for another model. Swiss courts would continue to look to the ECJ, as they did in the past, and conflicts should also in the future be resolved by diplomatic means. But the ECJ would play a decisive role in dispute settlement. It would, upon unilateral request of one side, give an “authoritative” interpretation of EU law as incorporated into the relevant bilateral agreement. In a “Non-Paper” which was drafted by the chief negotiators, the interpretations of the ECJ are even characterised as binding. The decision-making power would, however, remain with the Joint Committees where Switzerland could say no. The Swiss Government assumes that after a negative decision by the ECJ it would be able to negotiate a compromise solution with the Commission without the ECJ being able to express itself on the outcome. The Government has therefore not tried to emphasise that the ECJ would not be a foreign court. Whether the ECJ would accept its intended role, is an open question. And if it would, the Swiss Government would have to explain to its voters that Switzerland retains the freedom to disregard such a binding decision and that for this reason the ECJ is not only no foreign court, but no adjudicating court at all.
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THE ISSUE European Union energy policy is guided by three objectives: sustainability, security of supply and competitiveness. To meet its goals in these areas, the EU is updating its energy strategy with new targets for 2030. The starting point for this is the assessment of the previous EU climate and energy package, at the centre of which were the 20-20-20 targets for 2020. Although the EU is largely on track to meet these targets, EU energy policy is generally not perceived as a success. Recent events have undermined some of the assumptions on which the 2020 package was built, and the policies for achieving the 2020 targets – although at first sight effective – are far from efficient.
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Last year Kaliningrad became the subject of an international debate involving first of all the European Union, Russia, the USA, and the countries bordering the enclave, Poland and Lithuania. Such keen interest in a small region of less than a million inhabitants was mainly due to the fact that Kaliningrad has found itself in the very centre of two processes which are of paramount importance for Europe: EU and NATO enlargement. If Lithuania becomes a member of those units and Poland joins the EU, this Russian enclave will become an island surrounded on all land borders by a totally different, political, economic and military entity. In the course of the debate many questions were raised about the situation in the Oblast and how it affects neighbouring countries, the real interests and intentions of the parties involved in the debate, and the future of the region. The authors of this publication are attempting to answer these questions. The first part of this analysis is devoted to presenting the most important internal problems of the enclave, considering their influence on the surrounding world and the consequences of adopting the acquis communautaire in Poland and Lithuania. The second part characterises Moscow's policies towards Kaliningrad on the one hand, and those of Western countries on the other. Finally, the authors discuss the probable ways in which the situation in the enclave will develop.
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In its Conclusions of 26-27 June 2014, the European Council has adopted the new “Strategic Guidelines for Legislative and Operational Planning for the coming years within the EU’s Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ)”. These Guidelines reveal a pre-Lisbon Treaty mindset among the EU member states and the Justice and Home Affairs Council. This essay argues that the Guidelines are mainly driven by the interests and agendas of national Ministries of Interior and Justice and are only “strategic” to the extent that they aim at first, re-injecting ‘intergovernmentalism’ or bringing back the old EU Third Pillar ways of working to the new EU institutional setting of the AFSJ and second, at sidelining the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights and rule of law in the AFSJ. The paper argues that the European Council Guidelines seek to prevent the advances in Justice and Home Affairs cooperation as envisaged in the Treaty of Lisbon, particularly its emphasis on supranational democratic, legal and judicial accountability. As a consequence of this move to ‘de-Lisbonise’ JHA cooperation, fundamental rights and rule of law-related initiatives will be neglected and the interest of the individual will be displaced from the centre of gravity in the coming AFSJ 2020 policy agenda.
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The Kyrgyz town of Kara-Suu lies on the border with Uzbekistan, some 25 kilometres from Osh, the city most affected by the conflict between ethnic Kyrgyz and Uzbeks on 10-17 June 2010. With a population of around 21,000, of which 67% are ethnic Uzbek, Kara-Suu also serves as the administrative centre of the Kara-Suu district, which includes the village of Nariman, with a predominantly Uzbek population and notorious as the scene of several high-profile and brutal murders, as well as suburbs of Osh.
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The outbreak of the Arab Spring and the unrest, revolution and war that followed during the course of 2011 have forced the EU to acknowledge the need to radically re-think its policy approach towards the Southern Mediterranean, including in the domain of migration. Migration and mobility now feature as key components of High Representative Catherine Ashton’s new framework for cooperation with the region (Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity), while the EU has declared its intention to strengthen its external migration policy by setting up “mutually beneficial” partnerships with third countries – so-called ‘Dialogues for Migration, Mobility and Security’ – now placed at the centre of the EU’s renewed Global Approach to Migration and Mobility (GAMM). However, the success of this approach and its potential to establish genuine cooperative partnerships that will support smooth economic and political transformation in North Africa hinge on the working arrangements and institutional configurations shaping the renewed GAMM at EU level which has long been marked by internal fragmentation, a lack of transparency and a predominance of home affairs and security actors. This paper investigates the development of the Dialogues for Migration, Mobility and Security with the Southern Mediterranean in a post-Lisbon Treaty institutional setting. It asks to what extent has the application of the Lisbon Treaty and the creation of an “EU Foreign Minister” in High Representative Ashton, supported by a European External Action Service (EEAS), remedied or re-invigorated the ideological and institutional struggles around the implementation of the Global Approach? Who are the principal agents shaping and driving the Dialogues for Migration, Mobility and Security? Who goes abroad to speak on the behalf of the EU in these Dialogues and what impact does this have on the effectiveness, legitimacy and accountability of the Dialogues under the renewed GAMM as well as the wider prospects for the Southern Mediterranean?
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Switzerland has for a long time been an important centre of banking services in Europe and beyond. Consequently, the banking sector has become important to Switzerland’s prosperity. This paper focuses on a central reason behind the success of the Swiss banking sector: the institution of banking secrecy, deeply enshrined in the Swiss history and tradition. The rapid development of international markets that eventually gave rise to a “group structuration process” has, however, progressively eroded Swiss banking secrecy. It has had to bend before the duty of transparency within the groups in order not to promote financial criminality through accelerated asset inflows. Switzerland has also had to develop a comprehensive legislative frame to tackle financial criminality, and to enter into international agreements providing for mutual assistance. This process has undoubtedly and irremediably weakened the Swiss banking secrecy. Most importantly, nevertheless, the questionable ethical and socio-economic grounds of this controversial institution could and should also start to erode it from within.
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The narrative of two Ukraines – the existence of two separate cultural-political communities within one Ukrainian state – has accompanied the relatively short history of inde-pendent Ukraine from the very be-ginning. Articulated by Mykola Ryabchuk more than twenty years ago1 and seemingly logical and reasonable, it has become the fa-vourite narrative of many Ukrainian and international commentators and analysts. One of these Ukraines is pro-European, shares liberal democracy values, wants to join the European Union, “return to Europe” and, what is very im-portant, speaks Ukrainian. The symbolic centre of this Ukraine is Lviv. The other is nostalgic about the Soviet Union, has close rela-tions with contemporary Russia, is hostile towards the West and does not share “western” values. The language of this other Ukraine is Russian and its “capital” is Do-netsk. Taking on board this narra-tive simply means equating one’s region of residence, political views, and preferred language.
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Andryala (Asteraceae: Cichorieae) is a little-known Mediterranean-Macaronesian genus whose taxonomy is much in need of revision. The aim of the present biosystematic study was to elucidate species relationships within this genus based on morphological and molecular data. In this study several taxa are recognised: 17 species, 14 subspecies, and 3 hybrids. Among these, 5 species are Macaronesian endemics (A. glandulosa, A. sparsiflora, A. crithmifolia Aiton, A. pinnatifida, and A. perezii), 4 species are Northwest African endemics (A. mogadorensis, A. maroccana, A. chevallieri, and A. nigricans) and one species is endemic to Romania (A. laevitomentosa). Historical background regarding taxonomic delimitation in the genus is addressed from Linnaean to present day concepts, as well as the origin of the name Andryala. The origin of Asteraceae and the systematic position of Andryala is shortly summarised. The morphological study was based on a bibliographic review and the revision of 1066 specimens of 13 herbaria as well as additional material collected during fieldwork. The variability of the morphological characters of the genus, including both vegetative taxonomic characters (root, stem, leaf and indumentum characters) and reproductive ones (inflorescence, floret, fruit and pappus characters), is assessed. Numerical analysis of the morphological data was performed using different similarity or dissimilarity measures and coefficients, as well as ordination and clustering methods. Results support the segregation of the recognised taxa and the congruence of the several analyses in the separation of the recognised taxa (using quantitative, binary or multi-state characters). The proposed taxonomy for Andryala includes a new infra-generic classification, new taxa and new combinations and ranks, typifications and diagnostic keys (one for the species and several for subspecies). For each taxon a list of synonyms, typification comments and a detailed description are provided, just as comments on taxonomy and nomenclature, and a brief discussion on karyology. Additionally, information on ecology and conservation status as well as on distribution and a list of studied material are also presented. Phylogenetic analyses based on different nuclear and chloroplast DNA markers, using Bayesian and maximum parsimony methods of inference, were performed. Results support three main lineages: separate ones for the relict species A. agardhii and A. laevitomentosa and a third including the majority of the Andryala species that underwent a relatively rapid and recent speciation. They also suggest a single colonization event of Madeira and the Canary Islands from the Mediterranean region, followed by insular speciation. Biogeography and speciation within the genus are briefly discussed, including a proposal for the centre of origin of the genus and possible dispersal routes.
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The history of Castanea sativa (sweet chestnut) cultivation since medieval times has been well described on the basis of the very rich documentation available. Far fewer attempts have been made to give a historical synthesis of the events that led to the cultivation of sweet chestnut in much earlier times. In this article we attempt to reconstruct this part of the European history of chestnut cultivation and its early diffusion by use of different sources of information, such as pollen studies, archaeology, history and literature. Using this multidisciplinary approach, we have tried to identify the roles of the Greek and Roman civilizations in the dissemination of chestnut cultivation on a European scale. In particular, we show that use of the chestnut for food was not the primary driving force behind the introduction of the tree into Europe by the Romans. Apart from the Insubrian Region in the north of the Italian peninsula, no other centre of chestnut cultivation existed in Europe during the Roman period. The Romans may have introduced the idea of systematically cultivating and using chestnut. In certain cases they introduced the species itself; however no evidence of systematic planting of chestnut exists. The greatest interest in the management of chestnut for fruit production most probably developed after the Roman period and can be associated with the socio-economic structures of medieval times. It was then that self-sufficient cultures based on the cultivation of chestnut as a source of subsistence were formed.