986 resultados para British -- Great Britain
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From the seventeenth until the twentieth century, Germans formed a prominent immigrant group in Great Britain. Their number included many occupations, and many occupied positions of significance. This volume brings together the most recent research on the subject, and places it firmly in the context of migration and transnational studies. It focuses on the significance of migration to cultural transfer, and highlights the contribution of Germans to the course of British history.
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This thesis examines the experiences and political subjectivity of women who engaged in workplace protest in Britain between 1968 and 1985. The study covers a period that has been identified with the ‘zenith’ of trade-union militancy in British labour history. The women’s liberation movement also emerged in this period, which produced a shift in public debates about gender roles and relations in the home and the workplace. Women’s trade union membership increased dramatically and trade unions increasingly committed themselves to supporting ‘women’s issues’. Industrial disputes involving working-class women have frequently been cited as evidence of women’s growing participation in the labour movement. However, the voices and experiences of female workers who engaged in workplace protest remain largely unexplored. This thesis addresses this space through an original analysis of the 1968 sewing-machinists’ strike at Ford, Dagenham; the 1976 equal pay strike at Trico, Brentford; the 1972 Sexton shoe factory occupation in Fakenham, Norfolk; the 1981 Lee Jeans factory occupation in Greenock, Inverclyde and the 1984-1985 sewing-machinists’ strike at Ford Dagenham. Drawing upon a combination of oral history and written sources, this study contributes a fresh understanding of the relationship between feminism, workplace activism and trade unionism during the years 1968-1985. In every dispute considered in this thesis, women’s behaviour was perceived by observers as novel, ‘historic’ or extraordinary. But the women did not think of themselves as extraordinary, and rather understood their behaviour as a legitimate and justified response to their everyday experiences of gender and class antagonism. The industrial disputes analysed in this thesis show that women’s workplace militancy was not simply a direct response to women’s heightened presence in trade unions. The women involved in these disputes were more likely to understand their experiences of workplace activism as an expression of the economic, social and subjective value of their work. Whilst they did not adopt a feminist identity or associate their action with the WLM, they spoke about themselves and their motivations in a manner that emphasised feminist values of equality, autonomy and self-worth.
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Apparitions of empire and imperial ideologies were deeply embedded in the International Exhibition, a distinct exhibitionary paradigm that came to prominence in the mid-nineteenth century. Exhibitions were platforms for the display of objects, the movement of people, and the dissemination of ideas across and between regions of the British Empire, thereby facilitating contact between its different cultures and societies. This thesis aims to disrupt a dominant understanding of International Exhibitions, which forwards the notion that all exhibitions, irrespective of when or where they were staged, upheld a singular imperial discourse (i.e. Greenhalgh 1988, Rydell 1984). Rather, this thesis suggests International Exhibitions responded to and reflected the unique social, political and economic circumstances in which they took place, functioning as cultural environments in which pressing concerns of the day were worked through. Understood thus, the International Exhibition becomes a space for self-presentation, serving as a stage from which a multitude of interests and identities were constructed, performed and projected. This thesis looks to the visual and material culture of the International Exhibition in order to uncover this more nuanced history, and foregrounds an analysis of the intersections between practices of exhibition-making and identity-making. The primary focus is a set of exhibitions held in Glasgow in the late-1880s and early-1900s, which extends the geographic and temporal boundaries of the existing scholarship. What is more, it looks at representations of Canada at these events, another party whose involvement in the International Exhibition tradition has gone largely unnoticed. Consequently, this thesis is a thematic investigation of the links between a municipality routinely deemed the ‘Second City of the Empire’ and a Dominion settler colony, two types of geographic setting rarely brought into dialogue. It analyses three key elements of the exhibition-making process, exploring how iconographies of ‘quasi-nationhood’ were expressed through an exhibition’s planning and negotiation, its architecture and its displays. This original research framework deliberately cuts across strata that continue to define conceptions of the British Empire, and pushes beyond a conceptual model defined by metropole and colony. Through examining International Exhibitions held in Glasgow in the late-Victorian and Edwardian periods, and visions of Canada in evidence at these events, the goal is to offer a novel intervention into the existing literature concerning the cultural history of empire, one that emphasises fluidity rather than fixity and which muddles the boundaries between centre and periphery.
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This thesis examines the early stages of the transformation of emblematic political prints into political caricature from the beginning of the Seven Years' War (1756) to the Treaty of Paris, which ended the American Revolutionary War (1783). Both contextual and iconographical issues are investigated in relation to the debates occasioned by Britain's imperial project, which marked a period of dramatic expansion during the Seven Years' War, and ended with the loss of the American colonies, consequently framing this thesis as a study of political prints during the rise and fall of the so-called 'First British Empire'. Previous studies of eighteenth-century political prints have largely ignored the complex and lengthy evolutionary process by which the emblematic mode amalgamated with caricatural representation, and have consequently concluded that political prints excluded emblems entirely by the end of the 1770s. However, this study emphasizes the significance of the Wilkite movement for the promotion and preservation of emblems, and investigates how pictorial political argument was perceived and received in eighteenth-century British society, arguing that wider tastes and opinions regarding the utilization of political prints gradually shifted to accept both modes of representation. Moreover, the marketplace, legal status, topicality, and manufacturing methods of political prints are analyzed in terms of understanding the precarious nature of their consumption and those that endeavoured to engage in political printmaking. The evolution, establishment, and subsequent appropriation of pictorial tropes is discussed from the early modern period to the beginning of the so-called Golden Age of caricature, while tracing the adaptation of representational models in American colonial prints that employed emblems already entrenched in British pictorial political debate. Political prints from the two largest print collections, the British Museum and the Lewis Walpole Library at Yale are consulted, along with a number of eighteenth-century newspapers and periodicals, to develop the earlier research by M. Dorothy George, Charles Press, Herbert Atherton, Diana Donald, Amelia Rauser, and Eirwen Nicholson.
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Queensland was one of two states of the newly-federated Australia to mount official courts at the Glasgow International Exhibition of 1901, the largest world expo held in Great Britain to that date. In exhibiting at Glasgow, then the second city of the British Empire, Queensland sought to draw emigrants and investment from Britain. The court, funded by the Queensland Department of Mines, was mostly a display of mineral wealth, and the state's agricultural and pastoral resources were poorly represented. The 'prettily designed' court presented a rose-coloured view of a land endowed with boundless wealth and resources. This in no way reflected the realities of life back home, in a year of environmental and economic disaster, and of political and social upheaval. Though the exhibit failed to bring tangible benefits, it is an important record of Queensland aspirations and concerns at the time of Federation. It has special interest as the last occasion when Queensland exhibited in its own right, rather than as part of the Commonwealth of Australia.
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Pt.2
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The history of tax havens during the decades before World War II is still little known. To date, the studies that have focused on the 1920s and 1930s have presented either a very general perspective on the development of tax havens or a narrow national point of view. Based on unpublished historical archives of five countries (Switzerland, Great Britain, Belgium, France, Germany), this paper offers therefore a new comparative appraisal of international tax competition during this period in order to answer the following question: What was the specificity of the Swiss case - already considered a quintessential tax haven at the time - in comparison to other banking centres? The findings of this research study are twofold. First, the 1920s and 1930s appear as something of a golden age of opportunity for avoiding taxation through the relocation of assets. Most of the financial centres granted consistent tax benefits for imported capital, while the limited degree of international cooperation and the usual guarantee of banking secrecy in European countries prevented the taxation of exported assets. Second, within this general environment, the fiscal strategies of a tax haven like Switzerland differed from those of a great financial power like Great Britain. Whereas the Swiss administration readily placed itself at the service of the banking community, British policy was more balanced between the contradictory interests of the Board of Inland Revenue, the Treasury, and the English business circles.
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Projecte de recerca elaborat a partir d’una estada al University of Bristol, Gran Bretanya, durant agost i setembre del 2007. Els objectius del projecte d’estudi del jaciment de Lady Field (Woolston Manor Farm, Somerset, Gran Bretanya) eren, bàsicament, tres: en primer lloc, posar en pràctica els coneixements teòrics assolits durant la formació en prospecció geofísica; en segon lloc, aportar informació complementària a la aportada per la prospecció tradicional i el sondeig amb gradiòmetre magnètic efectuades prèviament per l’equip investigador del centre, arribant a definir millor les estructures poc definides per l’altre sistema i, finalment, obtenir un cas d’estudi sobre un jaciment medieval a Gran Bretanya, on les condicions geològiques i climàtiques, que afecten els resultats de la prospecció, són diferents a les del nostre país. Aquests objectius s’han assolit, ja que s’ha pogut portar a terme una prospecció de camp amb el sistema de georadar, processar les dades i obtenir-ne dades de qualitat i obtenir informació útil i rellevant de cara a la definició de les restes detectades, una vegada feta la interpretació. Els resultats mostren l’aparició en el subsòl del jaciment de quatre possibles fases d’ocupació, entre les que destaquen un moment amb possibles restes d’una antiga xarxa urbana, treballs agrícoles o un sistema de drenatge del terreny. Finalment l’estudi ha pogut constatar que la prospecció amb GPR en aquestes condicions geològiques és possible, tot i que les climàtiques –essencialment la pluja i la humitat del sòl- suposen complicacions a l’hora d’adquirir dades de forma segura per la maquinària i per la qualitat de les dades.
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Making statin available over the counter is one of the measures proposed to correct its underuse. Since May 2004, simvastatin 10 mg is sold over the counter in Great Britain. But uncertainties persist concerning the efficacy of statin in primary prevention and at a 10 mg dose. Finally, there is a risk of side effects and drug interactions. Beyond the correction of statin underuse and the hope of coronary heart disease mortality reduction, the British decision highlighted the will to give individuals a sense of responsibility concerning their health and its financial cost. Anyway, the benefit of switching statin from prescription to over the counter should be experimentally evaluated before its introduction.
Resumo:
The history of tax havens is still little known for the decades before World War II. Up to now the studies that have focused on the 1920s and 30s have presented either a very general perspective on the development of tax havens or a narrow national point of view. Based on unpublished historical archives of four countries, this paper offers therefore a new comparative look on international tax competition during this period in order to answer the following question: was the Swiss case - already considered as a quintessential tax haven at the time - specific in comparison to other banking centres? This research has two results. On the one hand, the 1920s and 30s appear as something of a golden age of opportunity for avoiding taxation through the relocation of assets. Actually, most of the financial centres granted consistent tax benefits for imported capital, while the extremely limited degree of international cooperation and the usual guarantee of banking secrecy in European countries prevented the taxation of exported assets. On the other hand, within this general balance sheet, the fiscal strategies of a tax haven like Switzerland differed from those of a great financial power like Great Britain. Whereas the Swiss administration readily placed itself at the service of the bankers, the British policy was more balanced between the contradictory interests of the Board of Inland Revenue, the Treasury and the English business circles.
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BACKGROUND: An objective measurement of surgical procedures outcomes is inherent to professional practices quality control; this especially applies in orthopaedics to joint replacement outcomes. A self-administered questionnaire offers an attractive alternative to surgeon's judgement but is infrequently used in France for these purposes. The British questionnaire, the 12-item Oxford Hip Score (OHS) was selected for this study because of its ease of use. HYPOTHESIS: The objective of this study was to validate the French translation of the self-assessment 12-item Oxford Hip Score and compare its results with those of the reference functional scores: the Harris Hip Score (HHS) and the Postel-Merle d'Aubigné (PMA) score. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Based on a clinical series of 242 patients who were candidates for total hip arthroplasty, the French translation of this questionnaire was validated. Its coherence was also validated by comparing the preoperative data with the data obtained from the two other reference clinical scores. RESULTS: The translation was validated using the forward-backward translation procedure from French to English, with correction of all differences or mistranslations after systematized comparison with the original questionnaire in English. The mean overall OHS score was 43.8 points (range, 22-60 points) with similarly good distribution of the overall value of the three scores compared. The correlation was excellent between the OHS and the HHS, but an identical correlation between the OHS and the PMA was only obtained for the association of the pain and function parameters, after excluding the mobility criterion, relatively over-represented in the PMA score. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION: Subjective questionnaires that contribute a personal appreciation of the results of arthroplasty by the patient can easily be applied on a large scale. This study made a translated and validated version of an internationally recognized, reliable self-assessment score available to French orthopaedic surgeons. The results obtained encourage us to use this questionnaire as a complement to the classical evaluation scores and methods.
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El projecte ha tingut com a objectiu principal abordar la instrumentalització política de la immigració per part de partits polítics de nova extrema dreta. Aquest fenomen, que ha adquirit una gran rellevància a gran part dels països europeus, està adquirint una creixent rellevància en els casos britànic i català a partir de, entre altres coses, l'emergència electoral dels partits Plataforma per Catalunya i British National Party. En aquest sentit, el projecte ha tractat de desenvolupar una recerca que produís un conjunt de dades i coneixements que permetessin abordar de forma fonamentada un fenomen “nou” en el context català i que, fins al moment, ha rebut escassa atenció per part del món acadèmic. Dins d’aquest objectiu cal destacar el fet que la àmplia experiència de l’equip investigador britànic en l’anàlisi de la nova extrema dreta ha permès que els investigadors catalans poguessin desenvolupar la seva recerca recolzant-se i dialogant en la seva contrapart britànica. Els resultats de la recerca són certament novedosos i representaran una important contribució al coneixement d’aquest fenomen. Així, en el marc de la recerca s’han desenvolupat una sèrie d’entrevistes a membres i a votants de PxC, així com una enquesta a votants i una anàlisi agregada sobre el vot al partit. En aquest sentit, cal destacar que és la primera vegada que s’aconsegueixen aquest tipus de dades. Un fet que està fent, i farà, que la seva explotació i divulgació adquireixi una gran rellevància tant en el món acadèmic com en el de les administracions públiques. Finalment, convé ressaltar que el projecte també ha servit per consolidar la relació entre els equips d’investigació britànic i català i per impulsar la inserció de l’equip català en les xarxes europees d’investigació sobre aquesta matèria.