Arsenic Speciation in Food and Estimation of the Dietary Intake of Inorganic Arsenic in a Rural Village of West Bengal, India

Arsenic (As) species were quantified by HPLC-HG-AFS in water and vegetables from a rural area of West Bengal (India). Inorganic species predominated in vegetables (including rice) and drinking water; in fact, inorganic arsenic (i-As) represented more than 80% of the total arsenic (t-As) content. To evaluate i-As intake in an arsenic affected rural village, a food survey was carried out on 129 people (69 men and 60 women). The data from the survey showed that the basic diet, of this rural population, was mainly rice and vegetables, representing more than 50% of their total daily food intake. During the periods when nonvegetarian foods (fish and meat) were scarce, the importance of rice increased, and rice alone represented more than 70% of the total daily food intake. The food analysis and the food questionnaires administrated led us to establish a daily intake of i-As of about 170 mu g i-As day(-1), which was above the tolerable daily intake of 150 mu g i-As day(-1), generally admitted. Our results clearly demonstrated that food is a very important source of i-As and that this source should never be forgotten in populations depending heavily on vegetables (mainly rice) for their diet.

Arsenic biogeochemistry as affected by phosphorus fertilizer addition, redox potential and pH in a west Bengal (India) soil

This laboratory experiment systematically examines arsenic, iron, and phosphorus solubilities in soil suspensions as affected by addition of phosphorus fertilizer under different redox potential (Eh) and pH conditions. Under aerobic conditions, As solubility was low, however, under moderately reducing conditions (0, -150 mV), As solubility significantly increased due to dissolution of iron oxy-hydroxides. Upon reduction to -250 mV, As solubility was controlled by the formation of insoluble sulfides, and as a result soluble As contents significantly decreased. Soluble Fe concentration increased from moderate to highly anaerobic conditions; however, it decreased under aerobic conditions likely due to formation of insoluble oxy-hydroxides. A low pH, 5.5, led to increased soluble concentrations of As, Fe, and P. Finally, addition of P-fertilizers resulted in higher soluble P and As, even though the concentration of As did not increased after an addition rate of 600 mg P kg(-1) soil. (c) 2006 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Effect of cooking method and rice type on arsenic concentration in cooked rice and the estimation of arsenic dietary intake in a rural village in West Bengal, India

Arsenic (As) contamination of rice plants can result in high total As concentrations (t-As) in cooked rice, especially if As-contaminated water is used for cooking. This study examines two variables: (1) the cooking method (water volume and inclusion of a washing step); and (2) the rice type (atab and boiled). Cooking water and raw atab and boiled rice contained 40 g As l-1 and 185 and 315 g As kg-1, respectively. In general, all cooking methods increased t-As from the levels in raw rice; however, raw boiled rice decreased its t-As by 12.7% when cooked by the traditional method, but increased by 15.9% or 23.5% when cooked by the intermediate or contemporary methods, respectively. Based on the best possible scenario (the traditional cooking method leading to the lowest level of contamination, and the atab rice type with the lowest As content), t-As daily intake was estimated to be 328 g, which was twice the tolerable daily intake of 150 g.

Contribution of water and cooked rice to an estimation of the dietary intake of inorganic arsenic in a rural village of West Bengal, India

Arsenic contamination of rice plants by arsenic-polluted irrigation groundwater could result in high arsenic concentrations in cooked rice. The main objective of the study was to estimate the total and inorganic arsenic intakes in a rural population of West Bengal, India, through both drinking water and cooked rice. Simulated cooking of rice with different levels of arsenic species in the cooking water was carried out. The presence of arsenic in the cooking water was provided by four arsenic species (arsenite, arsenate, methylarsonate or dimethylarsinate) and at three total arsenic concentrations (50, 250 or 500 mu g l(-1)). The results show that the arsenic concentration in cooked rice is always higher than that in raw rice and range from 227 to 1642 mu g kg(-1). The cooking process did not change the arsenic speciation in rice. Cooked rice contributed a mean of 41% to the daily intake of inorganic arsenic. The daily inorganic arsenic intakes for water plus rice were 229, 1024 and 2000 mu g day(-1) for initial arsenic concentrations in the cooking water of 50, 250 and 500 g arsenic l(-1), respectively, compared with the tolerable daily intake which is 150 mu g day(-1).

Land wars in India: Contestations, social forces and evolving neoliberal urban transformation

Land wars in India: Contestations, social forces and evolving neoliberal urban transformation
The recent incidents of ‘land wars’ in India have highlighted the contradictions and challenges of the neoliberal urban transformation through a range of issues across governance, equity and empowerment in the development agenda. Simply put, a strong top down approach and corporate-political nexus have determined the modality of land acquisition, compensation and ultimately the nature of its consumption leaving out majority urban poor from its benefits. The paper focuses on the concept of neoliberalism as a modality of urban governance and emergence of the grassroots activism as a countermagnate to neoliberalist hegemony by examining the inequity and marginalization that embody these ‘land wars’ in India and the forms of resistance from the grassroots - their capacity, relationship and modus operandi. Emerging lessons suggest the potential for advancing governance from the bottoms up leading to more equitable distribution of resources. It is however argued that there is a need for a stronger conception of the ‘grassroots’ in both epistemological and empirical context. In particular, the preconditions for the ‘grassroots organisations’ to foster and play a more effective role requires a more inclusive notion of ‘institutionality and plurality’ within the current political economic context. The empirical focus of the paper is ‘land wars’ observed in Kolkata, West Bengal, however references to other examples across the country have also been made.

Control of wild rubber extraction in the forests of northeast India, 1850-1880

This paper uses the history of rubber extraction to explore competing attempts to control the forest environments of Assam and beyond in the second half of the nineteenth century. Forest communities faced rival efforts at environmental control from both European and Indian traders, as well as from various centres of authority within the Raj. Government attempts to regulate rubber collection were undermined by the weak authority of the Raj in these regions, leading to widespread smuggling. Partly in response to the disruptive influence of rubber traders on the frontier, the Raj began to restrict the presence of outsiders in tribal regions, which came to be understood as distinct areas outside British control. When rubber yields from the forests nearest the Brahmaputra fell in the wake of intensive exploitation, India's scientific foresters demanded and from 1870 obtained the ability to regulate the Assamese forests, blaming indigenous rubber tapping strategies for the declining yields and arguing that Indian rubber could be ‘equal [to] if not better' than Amazonian rubber if only tappers would change their practices. The knowledge of the scientific foresters was fundamentally flawed, however, and their efforts to establish a new type of tapping practice failed. By 1880, the government had largely abandoned attempts to regulate wild Indian rubber, though wild sources continued to dominate the supply of global rubber until after 1910.

The macroeconomic impact of non-communicable diseases in China and India: Estimates, projections, and comparisons

This study provides estimates of the macroeconomic impact of non-communicable diseases (NCDs) inChina and India for the period 2012–2030. Our estimates are derived using the World Health Organization’sEPIC model of economic growth, which focuses on the negative effects of NCDs on labor supply andcapital accumulation. We present results for the five main NCDs (cardiovascular disease, cancer, chronicrespiratory disease, diabetes, and mental health). Our undiscounted estimates indicate that the cost ofthe five main NCDs will total USD 23.03 trillion for China and USD 4.58 trillion for India (in 2010 USD).For both countries, the most costly domain is cardiovascular disease. Our analyses also reveal that thecosts are much larger in China than in India mainly because of China’s higher and steeper income trajectory,and to a lesser extent its older population. Rough calculations also indicate that WHO’s best buys foraddressing the challenge of NCDs are highly cost-beneficial

Religious Geopolitics of Palestinian Christianity: Palestinian Christian Zionists, Palestinian Liberation Theologists, and American Missions to Palestine

The introduction of Protestantism into the Middle East by American missionaries in the nineteenth century met with limited success while the responses and internalizations of local converts proved incredibly diverse. The two resultant theological descendants are Palestinian Christian Zionists and Palestinian Liberation Theologists. The article provides a short history of these two movements and highlights influential voices through interviews and media analysis. This article argues that hybrid religious identifications with nation and place has transcended, in some cases, political struggle for territory.

Killing Themselves Slowly: India and China's Bad Habits

The world has experienced a public-health miracle in the past half century, as cleaner water, new health technologies, better diet and a host of other improvements have sharply reduced mortality and extended life expectancy in poor countries by as much as 20 years. A substantial portion of those gains has been realized through improvements in infant and child survival. However, the increase in income that was both a cause and effect of this miracle brought with it a new and ironic threat: a steep rise in non-communicable diseases (NCDs) like heart ailments and cancer.