Italian citizenship and the descendants of Italian citizens emigrated in Colombia. Removing a social injustice

Law is often the source of social discriminations, but, at the same time, it can be thekey to delete these social discriminations. The authors try to give an example of thisphenomenon, by analyzing the impact of the Italian citizenship’s rules over the descendantsof the Italian citizens emigrated abroad and, especially, in South America.Indeed, according to the former Italian law, only fathers could transmit iure sanguinisthe citizenship to their children: moreover, women automatically lost theItalian citizenship if they get a foreign citizenship by concluding a marriage witha foreign husband.These rules hardly discriminate the Italian women emigrated abroad and, especially,their descendants who were prevented to get the Italian’s citizenship.These discriminatory rules were finally deleted by the Italian Constitutional Courtin the Seventies and in the Eighties: however, the effects of those rules still persisted,since the decision of the Constitutional Court could not overcome the temporal limit of the entry into force of the Constitution (01.01.1948) and, therefore, could not“cover” the discriminatory facts occurred before that date.Finally in 2009, the Italian Supreme Court, by extending the effects ratione temporisof the decisions of the Constitutional Court, “reopened the doors” of the Italiancitizenship to a huge number of Italian citizenship born from Italian women beforethe 01.01.1948.Therefore, the authors focus on the social impact of this decision for all the potentialItalian citizens living in South America and try to assess its juridical effects overthe Italian law.

Reseña del libro: Los abogados en Colombia / [ed.] Mauricio García Villegas. –Bogotá: Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Derecho, Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, 2010. 258 p.

Reseña del libro: Los abogados en Colombia

The project of land restitution in Colombia: an illustration of the civilizing force of hypocrisy?

This article offers a theoretical interpretation of the dispositions on land restitution contained in the famous “Victims’ Bill”, which was debated in the Colombian Congress during the year 2008. The bill included specific mechanisms aimed at guaranteeing the restitution of land to victims of the Colombian armed conflict. At the time, the bill was endorsed by all the main political actors in the country –notably the government and the elites that support it, on the one hand, and victims’ and human rights organizations and other opposition groups, on the other–. The fact that the restitution of land to victims of the Colombian armed conflict was being considered as a serious possibility by all political actors in the country seemed to indicate the existence of a consensus among actors whose positions are ordinarily opposed, on an issue that has traditionally led to high levels of polarization. This consensus is quite puzzling, because it seems to be at odds with the interests and/or the conceptions of justice advocated by these political actors, and because the restitution of land faces enormous difficulties both from a factual and a normative point of view, which indicates that it may not necessarily be the best alternative for dealing with the issue of land distribution in Colombia. This article offers an interpretation of said consensus, arguing that it is only an apparent consensus in which the actors are actually misrepresenting their interests and conceptions of justice, while at the same time adopting divergent strategies of implementation aimed at fulfilling their true interests. Nevertheless, the article concludes that the common adherence by all actors to the principle of restorative justice might bring about its actual realization, and thus produce an outcome that, in spite (and perhaps even because) of being unintended, might substantively contribute to solving the problem of unequal land distribution in Colombia. Even though the article focuses in some detail on the specificities of the 2008 Bill, it attempts to make a general argument about the state of the discussion on how to deal with the issue of land distribution in the country. Consequently, it may still be relevant today, especially considering that a new Bill on land restitution is currently being discussed in Congress, which includes the same restitution goals as the Victims’ Bill and many of its procedural and substantive details, and which therefore seems to reflect a similar consensus to the one analyzed in the article.

La dimensión cuantitativa de la cláusula del estado social de derecho de Colombia

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Don Antonio José de Ayos y la recepción del derecho romano en Colombia (SAEC. XVIII)

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Necesidad de la creación de una sanción penal especial para ser impuesta al sujeto que padece trastorno antisocial de la personalidad (psicopatía) en Colombia

El propósito del artículo se centra en analizar la necesidad que hay o no de crear una sanción especial para el sujeto con psicopatía, teniendo en cuenta sus particulares características (incurable, ausencia de remordimiento, ausencia de temor al castigo, alto nivel de reincidencia, cosificación del ser humano), y la naturaleza de las sanciones contenidas en la ley penal nacional, en defensa de la justicia, el respeto por los derechos humanos de víctima y victimario, la seguridad de la sociedad y la adecuada punición.  

Propiedad intelectual y desarrollo en Colombia

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Las elecciones en Colombia

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Negociando la tierra: empresas extranjeras, minería a gran escala y derechos humanos en Colombia

La adquisición masiva de tierras por parte de empresas extranjeras en países africanos, asiáticos y latinoamericanos refleja una nueva fase del capitalismo global (Sassen, 2013). Colombia no ha escapado a esta lógica mundial del capitalismo, pues en la última década la influencia de las empresas extranjeras en el mercado de tierras ha sido notoria. En esa lógica, este artículo compara, desde un enfoque de Derechos Humanos, las prácticas de adquisición de tierras de tres compañías extranjeras que han explotado carbón a cielo abierto en La Guajira y Cesar. Los resultados indican que la formalidad de la propiedad agraria y las restricciones institucionales de las empresas —asociadas al gobierno corporativo, la participación en bolsa de valores y el veto de compradores internacionales—influyen significativamente en el respeto a los derechos humanos.

Sentencias de constitucionalidad en Colombia: ¿un caso de vanguardia o de transplante jurisprudencial?

Colombia, junto con otros países como Estados Unidos, Uruguay, Argentina y México se presenta como uno de los primeros países en el mundo que adoptó el control abstracto de constitucionalidad de las leyes. Recientemente y en especial desde la promulgación de la Constitución Política de 1991 la Corte Constitucional de Colombia es presentada como un ejemplo notorio de activismo judicial que crea normas jurídicas a través de sus sentencias. Este artículo presenta una revisión general de los desarrollos internacionales en materia de acciones de inconstitucionalidad así como de los métodos contemporáneos de interpretación y decisión constitucional, con el propósito de mostrar que el caso de Colombia no es tan excepcional como se supone y que tampoco constituye un caso que represente la vanguardia en materia de interpretación constitucional. La jurisprudencia Constitucional de Colombia representa más bien otro ejemplo de trasplante doctrinario y jurisprudencial que obedece a la globalización de la jurisdicción constitucional y de la utilización del método de ponderación para decidir demandas de inconstitucionalidad. Se hace una breve referencia a las dificultades institucionales de los países en desarrollo que inciden en las consecuencias de las sentencias proferidas por la Corte Constitucional y su evaluación.

Citizen safety at local level: fieldwork notes on performance and perception of the ‘Quadrant Plan’ in Cali (Colombia)

This article summarizes field notes related to the study of the actions performed by the Metropolitan Police of Santiago de Cali in the context of its ‘Plan Cuadrante’ (a micro-local security action plan) and the citizen’s perception towards it. Taking an ethnographic approach, it places special emphasis on the actions that imply identifying the main criminal and violent actors and activities. The study focuses on four local districts of the city: El Cortijo, Mariano Ramos, Terrón Colorado y Villa del Lago.

Cultura autoritaria, impermeabilidad política y "cultura de la violencia". El caso de Colombia

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Guerreros y campesinos. El despojo de la tierra en Colombia

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El concepto constitucional de autonomía fiscal y sus alcances legales y jurisprudenciales en Colombia a partir de la Constitución política de 1991

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Los Estudios Canadienses en Colombia y América Latina

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