1000 resultados para 7137-137
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Background: Alcohol use has beneficial as well as adverse consequences on health, but few studies examined its role in the development of age-related frailty. Objectives: To describe the cross-sectional and longitudinal association between alcohol intake and frailty in older persons. Design: The Lausanne cohort 65+ population-based study, launched in 2004. Setting: Community. Participants: One thousand five hundred sixty-four persons aged 65-70 years. Measurements: Annual data collection included demographics, health and functional status, extended by a physical examination every 3 years. Alcohol use (AUDIT-C), and Fried's frailty criteria were measured at baseline and 3-year follow-up. Participants were categorized into robust (0 frailty criterion) and vulnerable (1+ criteria). Results: Few participants (13.0%) reported no alcohol consumption over the past year, 57.8% were light-to-moderate drinkers, while 29.3% drank above recommended thresholds (18.7% "at risk" and 10.5% "heavy" drinkers). At baseline, vulnerability was most frequent in non-drinkers (43.0%), least frequent in light-to-moderate drinkers (26.2%), and amounted to 31.9% in "heavy" drinkers showing a reverse J-curve pattern. In multivariate analysis, compared to light-to-moderate drinkers, non-drinkers had twice higher odds of prevalent (adjOR: 2.24; 95%CI:1.39-3.59; p=.001), as well as 3-year incident vulnerability (adjOR: 2.00; 95%CI:1.02-3.91; p=.043). No significant association was observed among "at risk" and "heavy" drinkers. Conclusion: Non-drinkers had two-times higher odds of prevalent and 3-year incident vulnerability, even after adjusting for their baseline poorer health status. Although residual confounding is still possible, these results likely reflect a healthy survival effect among drinkers while those who experienced health- or alcohol-related problems stopped drinking earlier.
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[spa]La costumbre de enrolar a combatientes del anfiteatro (arenarii) como guardia personal en el marco de luchas faccionales sobrevivió durante el siglo IV. Incluso si en la mayor parte de casos este fenómeno se explica por razones políticas, conocemos dos ejemplos en los que los candidatos a obispo recurrieron a gladiadores para triunfar sobre sus oponentes. El primer ejemplo está relacionado con la elección de Silvano (en el 305 o en el 307/308), quien llegó a hacerse elegir obispo de Cirta (actual Constantine)gracias a la ayuda del arenarius Muto. Esta ayuda quedó bien demostrada por el testimonio de diversas personas durante el proceso seguido contra Silvano en el 320, en el que se reconoció su culpabilidad y se le condenó al exilio. El segundo ejemplo es el del papa Dámaso (366), elegido obispo de Roma en la iglesia de Lucina el mismo día en el que el diácono Ursino era escogido en la basílica de Julio. En el conflicto siguiente, Dámaso convocó a arenarii, quadrigari y fossores, quienes acudieron en su ayuda fuertemente armados. Éstos atacaron la basílica en la que se habían refugiado los partidarios de Ursino y el resultado del asalto fue de 137 muertos. [eng]The habit of engaging fighters of the amphitheatre (arenarii) as a personal guard in the factional struggles survived during the 4th century. Although in most cases it was about political causes, we know two examples where the candidates to be bishops turned to gladiators in order to overcome their opponents. The first example is that of election of Silvanus (305 or 307-308), who got the bishopric of Cirta (the modern Constantine) thanks to the help of the arenarius Mutus. This help was proved by the testimony of several witnesses during the trial which was followed against Silvanus in 320, where his guilt was admitted and he was condemned to the exile. The second exemple is that of the the Pope Damasus (366), elected bishop of Rome in the church of Lucina in the same day as the deacon Ursinus was elected in the basilica of Julius. In the conflict that was to follow, Damasus called arenarii, quadrigarii and fossores who came to help him heavily armed. They attacked the basilica where the supporters of Ursinus had taken refuge and as a result of the assault 137 people died.
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The objective of this work was to perform the screening of soybean genotypes as to their ability to respond to the induction of hairy roots by Agrobacterium rhizogenes‑mediated transformation. Four Brazilian soybean cultivars (BRSMG 68 Vencedora, BRS 137, Embrapa 48, and MG/BR 46 Conquista) and two North American ones adapted to Brazilian cropping conditions (Bragg and IAS‑5) were screened for their capacity to respond to A. rhizogenes in protocols for in vitro hairy root culture and ex vitro composite plant production. Four‑day‑old seedlings with uniform size were injected with A. rhizogenes harboring the plasmid p35S‑GFP. Seedlings expressing green fluorescent protein (GFP) in at least one hairy root were used to determine the transformation frequency. Using an axenic in vitro protocol, excised cotyledons from four‑day‑old seedlings were infected with A. rhizogenes harboring the pCAMBIA1301 plasmid, containing the gusA reporter gene. The transformation frequency and the number of days for hairy root emergence after bacterial infection (DAI) were evaluated. The transformation frequency and DAI varied according to the genotype. Cultivars MG/BR 46 Conquista and BRSMG 68 Vencedora are more susceptible to A. rhizogenes and can be recommended for transformation experiments.
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Le retour de l'individu et du singulier dans l'écriture de l'histoire constitue l'un des changements majeurs qu'a connus l'histoire socioculturelle depuis les années 1980. Réhabilitée, après une longue période de règne de narratifs macrohistoriques et d'histoire sérielle, l'approche biographique en est sortie élargie, transformée en une donnée incontournable de la compréhension des contextes sociaux. En revenant sur ce changement de paradigme, cet article se focalise sur deux courants ayant ouvert de nouvelles perspectives qui pourraient trouver d'ultérieurs développements en histoire de l'éducation : la recherche sur les « egodocuments » et la microhistoire (« Microstoria »). Il analyse ensuite à titre d'exemple un « fait éducatif » local et non spectaculaire - l'institutionnalisation d'un séminaire de formation de maîtres et de maîtresses, au milieu du XVIIIe siècle - à travers les traces qu'il a laissées dans les archives.
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