Parler petit nègre: una pincelada fraseológica y léxica de la visión de la lengua del otro

El artículo intentará ofrecer una pincelada sobre qué nos deparan las unidades fraseológicas de diversas procedencias cuando se refieren a otras lenguas o a sus hablantes. La connotación es casi siempre peyorativa para la lengua del otro, se trate de una variante vernácula minorizada, como el patués, o de cualquier idioma extranjero ininteligible y por ello molesto a los autóctonos. El prejuicio lingüístico, constante universal que persiste en nuestro mundo globalizado bajo diversas formas, puede originarse por circunstancias históricas, en el caso de contactos entre pueblos por movimientos migratorios, conflictos bélicos o directamente por invasiones. Sería el caso del pidgin English para los súbditos de Su Majestad que se vieron obligados a aprender la lengua del Imperio, o del parler petit nègre de los africanos orientales en el siglo XIX. La algarabía es ahora sinónimo de confusión lingüística y antaño de lengua árabe, incomprensible para los peninsulares, «que hablaban en cristiano». En otras ocasiones, se trata del estereotipo de la cultura remota desconocida, como «Me suena a chino». Nuestra cata abarcará, entre otros, ejemplos en inglés, francés, castellano y catalán.

Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, autor de La segunda parte de Lazarillo de Tormes.

Antes de hablar de Diego Hurtado de Mendoza y de su continuación del Lazarillo, me gustaría recordar otras usurpaciones de personajes literarios...

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

La sección cartográfica del Estado Mayor Central durante la Segunda República (1931-1936).

Este artículo examina la actividad de la Sección Cartográfica del Estado Mayor Central, que era la principal institución cartográfica del Ejército de Tierra, durante la Segunda República. Se discute la tesis de la supuesta parálisis de los servicios cartográficos sostenida por la historiografía franquista, se valora el alcance de la reforma de la cartografía militar llevada a término por las autoridades republicanas, y se presentan evidencias de la labor realizada entre 1931 y 1936. Dentro de esta labor se destaca el proyecto y las primeras realizaciones del Plano Director a escala 1:25.000, y la actividad de la Sección topográfica de la 1.ª División Orgánica radicada en Madrid

Kamikawa, videojuego para practicar el vocabulario de la lengua inglesa

Desarrollo de un videojuego para Android, Kamikawa, que sirve para practicar el vocabulario de la lengua inglesa.

La Razón frente a la imposición en las estrategias didáctico-propagandísticas del ejército estadounidense durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial: "Why We Fight" de Frank Capra como ejemplo

El presente artículo analiza algunos aspectos de los métodos de formación y propaganda destinados a los sol-dados del ejército estadounidense al enfrentarse a la implicación de su país en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. El general George C. Marshall, jefe del alto mando militar, pretendía oponer a los anticuados métodos de instruc-ción basados en la fuerza del hábito corporal, la fuerza del hábito mental. Esta pretensión supuso desplegar un amplio programa que contemplaba, además de la instrucción militar, la formación intelectual y que contaba, para ello, entre otros recursos, con el cine. En este último ámbito, destacó la producción de la serie documen-tal de siete episodios “Why We Fight”. La serie, desde su mismo título, pareció apostar por la argumentación racional antes que por la emocional, para hacer comprensible, a los soldados, la implicaciónde Estados Unidos en la contienda mundial. Sin embargo, más allá de su apariencia retórica, la serie debía funcionar como un efectivo mecanismo de propaganda a favor de los intereses estratégicos del país norteamericano

Los enfoques comunicativos: elogio y crítica

El objetivo de este artículo introductorio es esbozar las características comunes que sustentan lamayoría de esas propuestas, para poder entender uno de los caminos más relevantes que ha seguidola didáctica de la lengua en la segunda mitad del siglo XX. A continuación mencionamos lascircunstancias socio-históricas en que emergieron dichas propuestas, así como los principioslingüísticos y pedagógicos en que se fundamentan y una descripción esquemática de su dinámica enel aula. Un apartado final apunta algunas reflexiones personales sobre las perspectivas de futuro. Lanecesaria brevedad del artículo obliga a sintetizar los distintos apartados y a remitir a unos pocosmanuales específicos de cada aspecto.

Identidad colectiva y lengua en contextos pluriculturales y plurilingües: el caso del Valle de Arán (Lleida, España)

La comarca del Valle de Arán (Cataluña) presenta unas peculiaridades lingüísticas y sociodemográficas que la convierten en un escenario ideal para el estudio del proceso de construcción de la identidad colectiva y su relación con la lengua. En este artículo presentamos un análisis de la construcción de la identidad colectiva en este territorio y el papel de la lengua en este proceso. Partiendo de una concepción basada en que la importancia de la lengua propia en el proceso de construcción de la identidad colectiva no es un fenómeno categórico y universal, más bien obedece a una construcción social que convierte la lengua en expresión y vehículo de la pertenencia al colectivo, se demuestra que efectivamente la lengua aranesa desempeña un importante papel tanto en la formación como en la configuración de la identidad, pero el significado que se le otorga entre los residentes en la comarca difiere en gran medida, en función principalmente de que los sujetos se identifiquen o no con el universo aranés.

La adquisición del castellano por los escolares inmigrantes. El papel del tiempo de estancia y la lengua familiar

España se ha convertido en los últimos años en el mayor receptor de inmigrantes de la Unión Europea. Consecuentemente, sus hijos e hijas se han incorporado a nuestras escuelas planteando unos retos hasta hace poco desconocidos. Uno de ellos, y tal vez el que más preocupa al profesorado, se refiere al desarrollo de niveles de competencia lingüística suficientes para poder seguir una escolaridad vehiculada a través de una lengua que en muchas ocasiones tiene poco en común con la suya propia (L1). En este contexto, a partir de una muestra de 49 niños y niñas inmigrantes que fueron comparados con un grupo de 44 escolares autóctonos de su misma edad y nivel escolar, nuestro trabajo analiza el progreso en el conocimiento de la lengua castellana y la incidencia que en ello tienen factores como el tiempo de estancia en el país de acogida y la lengua familiar. Los resultados obtenidos apuntan a un proceso lento y complejo del que no queda excluido incluso aquel alumnado cuya lengua L1 coincide con variantes hispanoamericanas del castellano.

Inmigración, lengua y escuela en sociedades bilingües. Revisión de estudios

Al objeto de profundizar en el debate “inmigración-lengua- escuela”, en el presente trabajo se presentan algunos datos derivados de estudios sobre la temática llevados a cabo por nuestro grupo de investigación en el contexto catalán. A partir de destacar algunas cuestiones relacionadas con la incidencia demográfica del fenómeno migratorio, se muestran los resultados de una serie de investigaciones centradas en aspectos de carácter cognitivo-lingüístico y otros que hacen referencia a cuestiones actitudinales- motivacionales. Finalmente, se discuten posibles actuaciones que persiguen optimizar y reconsiderar la práctica educativa .