971 resultados para journalists


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The article exposes the meaning of profession for the journalists and how it affects the work-family reconciliation. The paper focuses on the daily press industry in eastern Spain. The information is collected by 38 biographical in-depth interviews with female journalists. The results show two approaches to define the profession: the personnel and the group one. The first approach shows the personal accomplishment. The second one shows the stereotype of journalist. Both approaches demand dedication. In addition, they are linked to other structural factors of the job (ex-. schedules) that define different labor personal situations (also according to professional and vital trajectories of the journalists). That way, the meaning of profession affects the decision making about the reconciliation.

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El periodismo de paz constituye un paradigma orientado al cambio social cuyo principal objetivo es dotar a los profesionales de la comunicación de herramientas analíticas y prácticas que les permitan abordar el conflicto de manera constructiva y éticamente responsable. Supone un desafío a la forma de interpretar los propios conflictos, las relaciones entre medios de comunicación y sociedad y el rol que los periodistas pueden o deben jugar en contextos de esta naturaleza. En el presente artículo se plantea una revisión teórica del periodismo de paz que nos va a permitir reformularlo conceptualmente, delimitar sus dimensiones y establecer los obstáculos o límites que, dadas las características del sistema mediático hegemónico, dificultan hoy en día su éxito como modelo de comunicación, clave en la construcción de una cultura de paz.

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El reciente crecimiento masivo de medios on-line y el incremento de los contenidos generados por los usuarios (por ejemplo, weblogs, Twitter, Facebook) plantea retos en el acceso e interpretación de datos multilingües de manera eficiente, rápida y asequible. El objetivo del proyecto TredMiner es desarrollar métodos innovadores, portables, de código abierto y que funcionen en tiempo real para generación de resúmenes y minería cross-lingüe de medios sociales a gran escala. Los resultados se están validando en tres casos de uso: soporte a la decisión en el dominio financiero (con analistas, empresarios, reguladores y economistas), monitorización y análisis político (con periodistas, economistas y políticos) y monitorización de medios sociales sobre salud con el fin de detectar información sobre efectos adversos a medicamentos.

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The Journal has been Queen's main student newspaper since it was founded in 1873. It appears twice a week on campus with a mix of news, sports, and entertainment stories, editorials, letters to the editor, and photographs. The paper is students' most important source of news and general information and has been a training ground for scores of Canadian journalists.

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The EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and its accompanying Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions can be tools used to increase the international profile of the European Union. Nevertheless, CSDP missions garner little news coverage. This article argues that the very nature of the missions themselves makes them poor vehicles for EU promotion for political, institutional, and logistical reasons. By definition, they are conducted in the middle of crises, making news coverage politically sensitive. The very act of reporting could undermine the mission. Institutionally, all CSDP missions are intergovernmental, making press statements slow, overly bureaucratic, and of little interest to journalists. Logistically, the missions are often located in remote, undeveloped parts of the world, making it difficult and expensive for European and international journalists to cover. Moreover, these regions in crisis seldom have a thriving, local free press. Using the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) as a case study, the author concludes that although a mission may do good, CSDP missions cannot fulfil the political function of raising the profile of the EU.

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Ce mémoire s’est attaché à comprendre les dimensions émergentes de la constitution de l’image d’une organisation. A l’issue de l’étude de la littérature de recherche existante, nous nous sommes intéressée à l’image réfractée, qui est l’image d’une organisation construite par une catégorie de publics nommés arbitres externes. Ce sont les organisations mandatées qui diffusent de l’information au grand public. En adoptant l’approche qualitative, nous avons réalisé une étude du processus de travail des journalistes travaillant pour des journaux différents et des membres des organismes environnementaux dans le cas de la mise en œuvre du projet de loi C-38 du gouvernement fédéral canadien. L’étude empirique nous a permis de proposer un modèle conceptuel du phénomène de la construction de l’image réfractée. Nous avons pu ainsi suggérer d’observer ce phénomène à travers les pratiques de travail des acteurs pour appréhender les dynamiques d’émergence de l’image. Aussi, nous avons insisté sur la pertinence de considérer des paramètres qui constituent le cadre dans lequel se déroule le processus de travail des acteurs appartenant à des communautés de publics différentes. Car ce sont ces paramètres qui engendrent des dynamiques régulant la construction de l’image organisationnelle au sein de chaque communauté de public.

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Les années 1960 au Québec sont marquées par un vigoureux courant nationaliste prônant l’affirmation politique et culturelle des francophones dans la province. Également, le phénomène de l’américanisation du territoire québécois s’accélère. C’est dans ce cadre historique particulier que naissent en 1968 les Expos de Montréal, équipe du circuit de baseball le plus important au monde, soit la Ligue du baseball majeur. La MLB s’installe alors dans un territoire où le baseball est centenaire. L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’étudier les débats et réactions suscités par l’avènement de Montréal dans le baseball majeur, en déterminant l’influence qu’y ont joué le nationalisme québécois des années 1960, l’américanisation du Québec et la longue histoire du baseball dans la province. Si les deux communautés linguistiques de celle-ci sont ici à l’étude, il n’en demeure pas moins que l’attention est davantage portée sur les francophones que les anglophones. En effet, ceux-ci ont semblé davantage interpelés par la création des Expos. D’ailleurs, parmi les deux groupes, les positions les plus documentées sont celles des chroniqueurs sportifs, qui se retrouvent donc au cœur de notre étude. Les opinions d’amateurs de baseball, de politiciens, d’hommes d’affaires ou de simples citoyens québécois sont également rapportées et analysées, mais dans une plus faible mesure.

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Work is both an essential part of our daily lives and one of the major policy concerns across Europe. Yet the public debate of labour issues is all too often driven by political rhetoric and short-term concerns. In this volume, researchers from seven European countries explain, in accessible language, the findings from various social sciences and what they mean for the future of labour in Europe. The conclusions they reach are addressed to policy-makers, the business world, journalists and fellow academics, and to anyone interested in the shape, size and character of the labour markets of tomorrow. “Many valuable synergies emerged between the various strands of NEUJOBS and the in-house analytical work of the European Commission.” László Andor, European Commissioner for Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion.

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The surprise revelation that the UK would be paying a surcharge to the EU budget of €2.1 billion sent Prime Minister Cameron into a rampage. How could this misunderstanding have arisen, as the resources mechanism of the EU budget uses a rather rigid method of calculation agreed by all member states? In this Commentary, CEPS budget specialist Jorge Núñez Ferrer has adopted a Q&A format to provide a straightforward technical explanation of how the surcharge came about in an attempt to dispel the Machiavellian phantasies it has inspired in journalists and eurosceptics alike.

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The Crimean operation has served as an occasion for Russia to demonstrate to the entire world the capabilities and the potential of information warfare. Its goal is to use difficult to detect methods to subordinate the elites and societies in other countries by making use of various kinds of secret and overt channels (secret services, diplomacy and the media), psychological impact, and ideological and political sabotage. Russian politicians and journalists have argued that information battles are necessary for “the Russian/Eurasian civilisation” to counteract “informational aggression from the Atlantic civilisation led by the USA”. This argument from the arsenal of applied geopolitics has been used for years. This text is an attempt to provide an interpretation of information warfare with the background of Russian geopolitical theory and practice.

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The independence of the mass media has been regularly restricted over the past two years in Ukraine. Following a period of relative freedom in 2005–2010, the scope of direct and indirect government control of the press has increased, cancelling out the achievements of the Orange Revolution in this area. The press in Ukraine is less and less able to perform its role as watchdog on the government and politicians and as a reliable source of information on the situation in the country to the public. This is mainly due to: (1) the concentration of the most important mass media in the hands of Ukraine’s most powerful oligarchs, whose business interests depend on the government; (2) the use of the press as instruments in political and business competition; (3) the ruling class’s subordination of the institutions which supervise the press; (4) repression used against media critical of the government and (5) the lack of an independent public broadcasting corporation. As a consequence, the press has hardly any impact on the political processes taking place ahead of the parliamentary election scheduled for 28 October. This is also an effect of a passiveness present in the Ukrainian public, who are tired of politics and are focused on social issues. Cases of abuse or corruption scandals revealed by the press do not provoke any response from the public and are rarely investigated by the public prosecution authorities. The more popular a given medium is, the more strongly it is controlled by the government. At present, television has to be recognised as the least reliable of the mass media. In turn, Internet news journals are characterised by the greatest pluralism but also have more limited accessibility. The political conditions in which the mass media operate in Ukraine lead to various forms of pathology. The most serious of them are censorship by the owners and self-censorship performed by journalists, and a great share of political advertorials. As the parliamentary election is approaching, the pathologies of the Ukrainian media market have been showing up with greater intensity.

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Work is both an essential part of our daily lives and one of the major policy concerns across Europe. In this second volume of The Future of Labour in Europe, the authors explain in accessible language the findings of the NEUJOBS project on the job prospects of key industries and groups of people. They use three colours – green, pink and silver – to pinpoint areas with the largest challenges as well as the greatest potential. The conclusions are addressed to policy-makers, the business world, journalists, fellow academics and to anyone interested in the shape, size and character of the labour markets of tomorrow.

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Ce mémoire s’est attaché à comprendre les dimensions émergentes de la constitution de l’image d’une organisation. A l’issue de l’étude de la littérature de recherche existante, nous nous sommes intéressée à l’image réfractée, qui est l’image d’une organisation construite par une catégorie de publics nommés arbitres externes. Ce sont les organisations mandatées qui diffusent de l’information au grand public. En adoptant l’approche qualitative, nous avons réalisé une étude du processus de travail des journalistes travaillant pour des journaux différents et des membres des organismes environnementaux dans le cas de la mise en œuvre du projet de loi C-38 du gouvernement fédéral canadien. L’étude empirique nous a permis de proposer un modèle conceptuel du phénomène de la construction de l’image réfractée. Nous avons pu ainsi suggérer d’observer ce phénomène à travers les pratiques de travail des acteurs pour appréhender les dynamiques d’émergence de l’image. Aussi, nous avons insisté sur la pertinence de considérer des paramètres qui constituent le cadre dans lequel se déroule le processus de travail des acteurs appartenant à des communautés de publics différentes. Car ce sont ces paramètres qui engendrent des dynamiques régulant la construction de l’image organisationnelle au sein de chaque communauté de public.

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Les années 1960 au Québec sont marquées par un vigoureux courant nationaliste prônant l’affirmation politique et culturelle des francophones dans la province. Également, le phénomène de l’américanisation du territoire québécois s’accélère. C’est dans ce cadre historique particulier que naissent en 1968 les Expos de Montréal, équipe du circuit de baseball le plus important au monde, soit la Ligue du baseball majeur. La MLB s’installe alors dans un territoire où le baseball est centenaire. L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’étudier les débats et réactions suscités par l’avènement de Montréal dans le baseball majeur, en déterminant l’influence qu’y ont joué le nationalisme québécois des années 1960, l’américanisation du Québec et la longue histoire du baseball dans la province. Si les deux communautés linguistiques de celle-ci sont ici à l’étude, il n’en demeure pas moins que l’attention est davantage portée sur les francophones que les anglophones. En effet, ceux-ci ont semblé davantage interpelés par la création des Expos. D’ailleurs, parmi les deux groupes, les positions les plus documentées sont celles des chroniqueurs sportifs, qui se retrouvent donc au cœur de notre étude. Les opinions d’amateurs de baseball, de politiciens, d’hommes d’affaires ou de simples citoyens québécois sont également rapportées et analysées, mais dans une plus faible mesure.

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For industry people, journalists, activists, lawyers, diplomats, national legislators, and students of the World Trade Organization's Agreement on Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property (TRIPS) has awesome proportions. These are magnified by the fact that these groups lack detailed knowledge of either IP as such or international trade law. IP involves a broad spread of academic specialists and practitioners covering heterogeneous complex regimes of patents, copyright, trade marks, design, undisclosed information (trade secrets), and geographical indications. IP, and subsequently TRIPS, is the meeting point of many stakeholders and actors with conflicting interests spread between market aspirations and concepts of public good. In a globalized economy with deep interconnections across sectors, national borders challenged by inchoate technologies, dynamic social stakeholders, and converging technologies, it is fundamental to have a clear and uncluttered understanding of this Agreement. That is because TRIPS impinges on trade in many products of daily life, from pharmaceuticals to entertainment electronics, as well as mitigating and adaptive technologies for climate change and sustainable development. Given its saliency and ubiquity in economic life, TRIPS has often generated misunderstanding and controversy in the public debate. To complicate matters, technical and legal issues at the interface of technology, IP, and trade remain the province of an eclectic band of specialists and on the radar of interest groups with goals on opposite poles.