Babel y la Biblioteca, máscaras del mito en la lingüística

Los manuales de historia de la lingüística tratan del mito bíblico de Babel y del nacimiento de la gramática en Alejandría de manos de Dionisio de Tracia. Estos pasajes de la historia, que corresponden a épocas diferentes, remiten a dos problemas fundamentales de la lingüística: por una parte, el origen del lenguaje y la diversidad lingüística; por la otra, la invención de la gramática como instrumento para la edición de textos y para el conocimiento formal de la lengua. Pese a las diferencias, Babel y la biblioteca de Alejandría tienen en común una naturaleza mítica. Sus relatos contienen elementos de la ficción y de la realidad que suelen pasar desapercibidos. El artículo señala estos elementos y establece ciertas afinidades entre Babel y la biblioteca, de suerte que articulados componen un ciclo narrativo. // Abstract.- Babel and the Library, the myth masks in Linguistics. History textbooks of linguistics explain the biblical myth of Babel and the birth of grammar in Alexandria at the hands of Dionysius Thrax. These passages of history, which correspond to different times, refer to two fundamental problems of linguistics: first, the origin of language and linguistic diversity and on the other, the invention of grammar as a tool for text editing and formal knowledge of the language. Despite the differences, Babel and the library of Alexandria share a mythical nature. These stories contain elements of fiction and reality that often go unnoticed. The article points out these elements and establishes affinities between Babel and the library, so that it should be considered as a narrative cycle. Keywords: Babel, Library of Alexandria, myth, story, grammar, institution, Dionysius Thrax.

La recuperación de la palabra. Perspectivas hermenéuticas sobre la cuestión del lenguaje

El planteamiento hermenéutico del tema del lenguaje, en su versión gadameriana,constituye una importante aportación al diálogo con las distintas posiciones en las que el pensamiento de nuestro siglo se hace eco de un problema: la incapacidad del lenguajepara articular la experiencia del mundo, en orden a posibilitar el ejercicio de la racionalidad práctica. La pretensión de estas páginas es presentar el sesgo desde el que estaintervención adquiere un especial protagonismo en la filosofía de las últinias décadas y poner en discusión algunas de las posibilidades de desarrollo que, en el curso del debatede estas cuestiones, se han ido proponiendo.

La traducció del castellà al català en l'àmbit oral col·loquial: una aproximació pràctica

Treball en què que s'analitza la traducció del castellà al català en l'àmbit oral col·loquial a partir d'un exemple real pràctic (una pel·lícula) per tal de determinar els problemes més comuns d'aquest tipus de traducció i de quina manera s’hi ha d’enfrontar el traductor per aconseguir un producte final satisfactori.

Coloquialismo y humor en South Park: análisis del doblaje al español

Este trabajo es un estudio sobre la traducción del coloquialismo y el humor en productos audiovisuales. Tomando como referencia el doblaje al español de South Park, se analizan algunos errores habituales en obras similares y se plantean estrategias de traducción efectivas, tanto a nivel textual como oracional.

In what ways a CLIL lesson planning different from an EFL course plan ?

Des del 1995 el Consell Europeu ha promogut l’aprenentatge d’una segona llengua a través d’una altra àrea en el que coneixem per CLIL (Contingut i Llengua Integrats en l’Aprenentatge) o en altres paraules: “una activitat en la qual l’aprenentatge d’una llengua estrangera és utilitzada com una eina per l’aprenentatge d’una àrea no linguística en la qual llengua i contingut tenen un mateix paper” (Marsh, 2002). Tot I així, “ensenyar una àrea a través d’una llengua estrangera no és el mateix que la integració de llengua i contingut”. CLIL comporta altres implicacions metodològiques pel que fa a la planificació, estratègies didàctiques i particularment al rol del docent. De fet, són aquests factors els que componen l’èxit o el fracàs en l’implementació de CLIL. i per aquest motiu pretenc analitzar i descriure les diferències entre una sessió de CLIL i una de llengua anglesa. Aquesta investigació és un estudi de cas que vol oferir una mirada a les diferències entre una unitat de CLIL i una de llengua anglesa portades a terme en un grup de 3r de primària a l’escola de Sant Miquel dels Sants (Vic) pel que fa a la planificació, les estratègies i actuacions del docent.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Llengua al límit. Una llengua, dos camins. L'encontre necessari.

En el treball es realitza una transcripció de dos programes de televisió, amb la idea de saber quin és el tipus de llenguatge que usen aquests mitjans per adreçar-se al seu públic. Però seria absurd ignorar altres canals per als quals la llengua és imprescindible. Em refereixo al cinema, sobretot. I malgrat que no es considera un mitjà de comunicació, també és un element importantíssim pel que fa al tractament i transmissió lingüístics. I molts productes del cinema acaben sortint per televisió. La premsa escrita i, com a cas especial, Internet, també hi tenen força a dir.

Oviposition-induced changes in Arabidopsis genome expression: anticipating your enemy?

Plants have evolved exquisite ways to detect their enemies and are able to induce defenses responses tailored to their specific aggressors. Insect eggs deposited on a leaf represent a future threat as larvae hatching from the egg will ultimately feed on the plant. Although direct and indirect defenses towards oviposition have been documented, our knowledge of the molecular changes triggered by egg deposition is limited. Using a whole-genome microarray, we recently analyzed the expression profile of Arabidopsis thaliana leaves after oviposition by two pierid butterflies. Eggs laid by the large white Pieris brassicae modified the expression of hundreds of genes. The transcript signature included defense and stress-related genes that were also induced in plants experiencing localized cell death. Further analyses revealed that cellular changes associated with a hypersensitive response occur at the site of egg deposition and that they are triggered by egg-derived elicitors. Our study brings molecular evidence for previous observations of oviposition-induced necrosis in other plant species and might illustrate a direct defense of the plant against the egg. In this addendum, we discuss the relevance of the oviposition-induced gene expression changes and the possibility that plants use eggs as cues to anticipate their enemies.

Reconciling phonological neighborhood effects in speech production through single trial analysis

A crucial step for understanding how lexical knowledge is represented is to describe the relative similarity of lexical items, and how it influences language processing. Previous studies of the effects of form similarity on word production have reported conflicting results, notably within and across languages. The aim of the present study was to clarify this empirical issue to provide specific constraints for theoretical models of language production. We investigated the role of phonological neighborhood density in a large-scale picture naming experiment using fine-grained statistical models. The results showed that increasing phonological neighborhood density has a detrimental effect on naming latencies, and re-analyses of independently obtained data sets provide supplementary evidence for this effect. Finally, we reviewed a large body of evidence concerning phonological neighborhood density effects in word production, and discussed the occurrence of facilitatory and inhibitory effects in accuracy measures. The overall pattern shows that phonological neighborhood generates two opposite forces, one facilitatory and one inhibitory. In cases where speech production is disrupted (e.g. certain aphasic symptoms), the facilitatory component may emerge, but inhibitory processes dominate in efficient naming by healthy speakers. These findings are difficult to accommodate in terms of monitoring processes, but can be explained within interactive activation accounts combining phonological facilitation and lexical competition.

De què vas, tio?

My study is based on an ethnography of two groups of young people from working-class neighbourhoods in Barcelona. I was interested in researching the impact of Catalan language policies on the identities of young people of Spanish-speaking immigrant families. I sought to go beyond the constraints of traditional structuralist approaches in Sociolinguistics in order to make my analysis relevant to people working for gender equality, the promotion of the Catalan language, or other social causes. I combine ideas from Bakhtin, Bourdieu, Fairclough, Foucault and Goffman to build a dialectical, historical, process-centred perspective that conceptualises practices in terms of social and political struggles.I analyse young people's peer-group activities in terms of their significance for the construction of gender identities. I propose a variety of forms of masculinity and femininity according to the various ways in which members organised their gender displays in face-to-face interaction.I also show how their use of argot and dialectal Spanish was part of the processes whereby members defined their relationships, constructed particular subject positions in interaction and struggled to legitimate their own values.I explore the meanings constructed through Catalan and Spanish by looking into the code-switching practices of my participants. I analysed their talk in terms of narratives that present particular sequential dramatisations of events for conversational audiences. These narratives follow the expressive intention of the author, and are populated with multiple voices of animated characters. I argue that, in the groups I studied, Catalan was generally not used to animate the voices that were central to the identities of the peer-group, and particularly to masculine identities.In order to contextualise these practices within the wider society, I also look into the processes of language choice in face-to-face encounters. I argue that existing conventions made it difficult for people to find opportunities to speak Catalan. I also pointed to the difficulties that my participants had to find employment, which were particularly acute amongst the more politically aware individuals. I conclude that these young working-class people had little possibilities of investing in more egalitarian forms of identity given their lack of resources and opportunities to develop their identities in other social spaces, such as the workplace.

Acute aphasia after right hemisphere stroke

Right hemispheric stroke aphasia (RHSA) rarely occurs in right- or left-handed patients with their language representation in right hemisphere (RH). For right-handers, the term crossed aphasia is used. Single cases, multiple cases reports, and reviews suggest more variable anatomo-clinical correlations. We included retrospectively from our stroke data bank 16 patients (right- and left-handed, and ambidextrous) with aphasia after a single first-ever ischemic RH stroke. A control group was composed of 25 successive patients with left hemispheric stroke and aphasia (LHSA). For each patient, we analyzed four modalities of language (spontaneous fluency, naming, repetition, and comprehension) and recorded eventual impairment: (1) on admission (hyperacute) and (2) between day 3 and 14 (acute). Lesion volume and location as measured on computed tomography (CT) and magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) were transformed into Talairach stereotaxic space. Nonparametric statistics were used to compare impaired/nonimpaired patients. Comprehension and repetition were less frequently impaired after RHSA (respectively, 56% and 50%) than after LHSA (respectively, 84% and 80%, P = 0.05 and 0.04) only at hyperacute phase. Among RHSA, fewer left-handers/ambidextrous than right-handers had comprehension disorders at second evaluation (P = 0.013). Mean infarct size was similar in RHSA and LHSA with less posterior RHSA lesions (caudal to the posterior commissure). Comprehension and repetition impairments were more often associated with anterior lesions in RHSA (Fisher's exact test, P < 0.05). Despite the small size of the cohort, our findings suggest increased atypical anatomo-functional correlations of RH language representation, particularly in non-right-handed patients.