Political Islam and human security

Summary: "In the wake of the September 11 and subsequent terrorist attacks, the academic and media commentaries on Islam the religion and Islam the basis for political ideology haves received an unprecedented high level of exposure and attention. The acts of political violence by extremist groups and the omnipresent war on terror have added fresh uncertainties to an already complex global order. Just as terrorism and counter-terrorism are locked in a mutually re-enforcing symbiosis, the sense of insecurity felt by Muslims and non-Muslims alike is mutually dependent and has the potential to escalate. This general assessment holds true for Muslims living in the Muslim world and beyond. The pervasive sense of being under attack physically and culturally by the United States and its allies has contributed to a growing unease among Muslims and re-enforced deep-seated mistrust of the ʻWestʼ. Public articulation of such misgivings has in turn, lent credence to Western observers who posit an inherent antipathy between the West and the Muslim world. The subsequent policies that have emerged in this context of fear and mutual distrust have contributed to the vicious cycle of insecurity. The present volume is anchored in the current debates on the uneasy and potentially mutually destructive relationship between the Muslim world and certain West countries. It brings together leading international scholars in this interdisciplinary field to deal with such inter-related questions as the nature of Islamism, the impact of the ʻwar on terrorʼ on the spread of militancy, the growing sense of being under siege by Muslim Diasporas and the many unintended ramifications of a security-minded world order. This volume deliberately focuses on these issues both at a broad theoretical level but more importantly in the form of a number of prominent case studies including Indonesia, Algeria and Turkey."--Publisher description.

An empirical model of international student satisfaction

Purpose – Based on the theoretical framework of expectancy-disconfirmation paradigm, the purpose of this paper is to examine the differences in student perceptions of the level of satisfaction related to educational and non-educational services among four groups of international postgraduate business students from China, India, Indonesia and Thailand undertaking study in Australia.

Design/methodology/approach – The data used in this study were derived from a mail survey conducted among international postgraduate business students from Asia studying at five universities in the state of Victoria, Australia. A total of 573 usable responses were received. Analysis using structural equation modelling, multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) and analysis of variance (ANOVA) was undertaken.

Findings – This study develops and tests a model of international postgraduate student satisfaction. Findings indicate that the importance of service quality factors related to both educational and non-educational services varies among nationality groups and, therefore, has a differential impact on student satisfaction.

Practical implications – The study provides insights into seven constructs related to educational and non-educational services that are perceived as important by postgraduate business students from Asia in satisfaction formation. Universities should develop a diversified strategic marketing plan that incorporates the differential needs of international postgraduate business students according to the educational and non-educational constructs developed in this paper.

Originality/value – This study makes a contribution by filling a void in academic research in the area of satisfaction in relation to postgraduate international business students from four nationality groups in Asia.

Endemic freshwater finfish of Asia : distribution and conservation status

Freshwater finfish species richness and level of endemism in East, and South and South-East Asia that included 17 nations were studied using available databases, and included nation-wise distribution, habitat types, and conservation status. The number of endemic finfish species in the region was 559, belonging to 47 families. Families Cyprinidae and Balitoridae accounted for 43.5% and 16.2% of the total number of endemic species in the region, respectively, followed by Sisoridae (25), Gobiidae (20), Melanotaeniidae (19), and Bagridae (16), and the other 41 families had at least one endemic species. Nation-wise the most number of endemic freshwater finfish species occur in India (191), followed by China (88), Indonesia (84), and Myanmar (60). In India, the endemic species accounted for 26.4% of the native freshwater fish fauna, followed by South Korea (16.9%), the Philippines, (16.3%) and Myanmar (15.7%).

Statistically significant relationships discerned between the number of indigenous and endemic species richness to land area (X_la in 10³ km²) of the nations in the region were, Y_in = 218.961 Ln(X_la) – 843.1 (R² = 0.735; P < 0.001) and Y_e = 28.445 Ln X_la−134.47 (R² = 0.534; P < 0.01), respectively, and between indigenous and endemic species richness was Y_e = 0.079X_n− 1.558 (R² = 0.235; P < 0.05).

The overall conservation status of endemic finfish in Asia was satisfactory in that only 92 species were in some state of vulnerability, of which 37 species (6.6%) are endangered or critically endangered. However, the bulk of these species (83.7%) were cave- and or lake-dwelling fish. However, nation-wise, the endemic freshwater finfish fauna of the Philippines and Sri Lanka, based on the imperilment index, were found to be in a highly vulnerable state. Among river basins, the Mekong Basin had the highest number of endemic species (31.3%). The discrepancies between databases are highlighted and the need to consolidate information among databases is discussed. It is suggested that the Mekong Basin be considered as a biodiversity hotspot, and appropriate management strategies be introduced in this regard.

Will Wallace’s Line save Australia from avian influenza?

Australia is separated from the Asian faunal realm by Wallace's Line, across which there is relatively little avian migration. Although this does diminish the risk of high pathogenicity avian influenza of Asian origin arriving with migratory birds, the barrier is not complete. Migratory shorebirds, as well as a few landbirds, move through the region on annual migrations to and from Southeast Asia and destinations further north, although the frequency of infection of avian influenza in these groups is low. Nonetheless,high pathogenicity H5N1 has recently been recorded on the island of New Guinea in West Papua in domestic poultry. This event increases interest in the movements of birds between Wallacea in eastern Indonesia, New Guinea, and Australia, particularly by waterbirds. There are frequent but irregular movements of ducks, geese, and other waterbirds across Torres Strait between New Guinea and Australia, including movements to regions in which H5N1 has occurred in the recent past. Although the likelihood of avian influenza entering Australia via an avian vector is presumed to be low, the nature and extent of bird movements in this region is poorly known. There have been five recorded outbreaks of high pathogenicityavian influenza in Australian poultry flocks, all of the H7 subtype. To date, Australia is the only inhabited continent not to have recorded high pathogenicity avian influenza since 1997, and H5N1 has never been recorded. The ability to map risk from high pathogenicity avian influenza to Australia is hampered by the lack of quantitative data on the extent of bird movements between Australia and its northern neighbors.Recently developed techniques offer the promise to fill this knowledge gap.

Where do entrepreneurs have the best chances of success? The Asia-Pacific regulatory environment for entrepreneurial Micro And Medium Sized Enterprises (MMES)

Why do some entrepreneurs succeed while others fail in international competition? Perhaps it is better to turn the question around and ask, why is it that a particular country or economy becomes the home base for competitive globally-oriented entrepreneurs? What makes Australia a global leader in wine exports? How did New Zealand make it to global ranks in the creative industries? Why does Singapore have the most businessfriendly environment for entrepreneurs? Why is it “location, location, location”? One of the most powerful factors is the regulatory environment.

Asia-Pacific country-specific and region-specific regulations are diverse, and they seriously affect the climate for start-up entrepreneurs. They range from best-in-the world (e.g. Australia, New Zealand and Singapore) to the dreadful (Indonesia), according to the World Bank. Costs and profits can be affected as much by a government regulation as by a management decision. Fundamental entrepreneurial decisions--such as which lines of business to go into, which products and services to produce and introduce, which investments to finance, how and where to make goods and how to market them, and what prices to charge--are increasingly subject to governmental control.

In this short paper, we examine World Bank and Transparency International data on Asia-Pacific regulatory environments and make statements about how the economies compare to best practice. While I use data collected by other sources, I believe the added value comes through comparing and contrast the regulatory environments of our region in a justifiable and easily understood manner.

Colonising Poso : the diary of Controleur Emile Gobee, June 1909 - May 1910

"While the colonisation of Central Sulawesi was a process that was unique to the particular demographic, social, political and economic characteristics of the region, in broad terms it replicated Dutch colonial policy and practice in the rest of the archipelago at the beginning of the 20th century. The diary of Aspirant Controleur Emile Gobee, records the process which imposed the relocation and resettlement of the Pamona people of the Poso region of Central Sulawesi into villages and therefore began a dramatic process of change. The document provides a rare example of the process of colonialism and goes to the heart of understanding the nature of the colonial project in the Dutch East Indies."--Publisher's website.
"The 1909-10 diary of Aspirant Controleur Emile Goběe, of Poso, Sulawesi in the Dutch East Indies, with a scholarly introduction that explains the significance of Dutch colonial and missionary intervention, which intentionally destroyed traditional cultures and lifestyles. During the time covered by this diary, the administration moved entire villages to places where they could be observed, changed their farming practices, and introduced trade and Christianity." -- Publisher.

The life and death of Aceh's peace process

The collapse of the peace process has seen Aceh return to a cycle of violence

Konflik di Aceh konteks, pemicu, katalis

Miller traces The Roots of the Acehnese conflict to Indonesian repressive policies, specifically: exploitation of Aceh's natural resources; violence against Acehnese Civilians by Indonesian security forces; and Jakarta's failure to honor commitments to Aceh's autonomy. This contradicts the prevailing Acehnese perception of the war as a liberation struggle against colonial domination. This contradicts the prevailing Acehnese perception of the war as a Liberation struggle against colonial domination. Regional discontent in Aceh grew into separatist insurgency in the 1970s. Regional Discontent in Aceh grew into separatist insurgency in the 1970s. This provoked an increasingly martial response from the government, which involved widespread violations of Acehnese human rights. This Provoked an increasingly martial response from the government, which involved widespread violations of Acehnese human rights. East Timor's successful bid for independence in the 1990s simultaneously strengthened both Acehnese' aspirations of self-determination, and nationalists' belief in preserving Indonesia's territorial integrity. East Timor's successful bid for independence in the 1990s simultaneously strengthened both Acehnese 'aspirations of self-determination, and nationalists' belief in preserving Indonesia's territorial integrity.

From reform to repression : the post-New Order's shifting security policies in Aceh

The article examines Indonesia's capacity to deal with the contemporary Aceh conflict from a policy perspective. The author examines the impact of regime change on state capacity and democratization on center-periphery relations. She also evaluates the post-New Order regime's different security policies in Aceh, how and why they have failed and what this has meant for Indonesia's reform process.

‘CHOU GAGS CRITICS IN BANDOENG or how the media framed Premier Zhou Enlai at the Bandung Conference, 1955

At the Asian-African Conference at Bandung, Indonesia, in April 1955, the world's press concentrated its gaze on Premier Zhou Enlai of the People's Republic of China. Premier Zhou's every gesture, interaction and statement was scrutinized for evidence that his motivations at Bandung were antagonistic to Western interests. This preoccupation with the motivations of the Chinese was, however, no new phenomenon. By 1955, literary tropes of the ‘Yellow Peril’ had been firmly established in the Western imagination and, after 1949, almost seamlessly made their transition into fears of infiltrating communist Chinese ‘Reds’.

The first half of this paper explores the historical roots of the West's perceptions of the Chinese, through the literary works of Daniel Defoe to the pulp fiction of Sax Rohmer's Dr Fu Manchu series, which ran from 1917 to 1959. It then examines how this negative template was mobilised by the print media at the height of the Cold War to characterize Premier Zhou Enlai, not only as untrustworthy, but also as antagonistically anti-Western. This reading of representations of Premier Zhou at Bandung, as well as the literary tropes propagated in support of eighteenth and nineteenth-century imperial expansion, exposes a history of Western (mis)interpretations of China, and sheds light upon the media network's role in constructing a Chinese enemy in the mid-1950s.

Studies on dietary fibre : analysis, epidemiological and physiological aspects

This thesis involves an investigation in three areas; first, a study of an enzymatic-gravimetric method for the analysis of dietary fibre; second, a survey of dietary fibre intake in an area of a developing country, and finally, some observations on the functional aspects of gel-forming dietary fibre in the rat. A simple and rapid enzymatic-gravimetric assay for both soluble and insoluble dietary fibre has been critically investigated. Reference samples were also analysed by a more comprehensive, enzymatic gas chromatographic method to allow testing of the relative accuracy of the enzymatic-gravimetric method. The enzymatic-gravimetric method was found to be highly reproducible but gave a slightly higher value for total dietary fibre than the more comprehensive method. This discrepancy is probably due to the presence of small quantities of resistant starch and protein residue which are recovered in the enzymatic-gravimetric method. In the enzymatic-gas chromatographic method, protein residue is not measured, and resistant starch is estimated, but not counted as dietary fibre. The enzymatic-gravimetric method was applied to the analysis of foods commonly consumed in the Padang region of West Sumatra in Indonesia, in order to estimate dietary fibre intake in the region. Daily intakes of usual foods were estimated by use of a 24-hour recall procedure aided by food photographs to assist in the estimation of portion size. Samples of approximately 60 of the most commonly consumed foods were collected and analysed for dietary fibre. These appear to be the first data which report values for dietary fibre in Indonesion foods and they represent a significant improvement upon the existing data on crude fibre content. Knowledge of the amounts of foods usually consumed and their dietary fibre content allowed an estimation of usual intakes of dietary fibre. Fibre intake was found to be lower than in the developing countries of Africa and was comparable to intakes measured in the U.K. This is the first study to show that in this part of South East Asia, a developing country area using polished rice as a staple food, dietary fibre intakes are as low as in Western countries. Low intakes of fibre are believed to be related to the prevalence of a range of diseases and, in this study, preliminary data on the rates of non-infective, chronic diseases were collected from the two main hospitals in West Sumatra. Chronic, non-infectious diseases such as inguinal hernia, appendicitis, haemorrhoids, diabetes mellitus, hypertension and malignant neoplasms of the rectum are relatively frequent in West Sumatra. While no firm conclusions can be drawn from these data, they do show the possibility of a relationship between low intakes of dietary fibre and the prevalence of these diseases, and suggest that further investigation is necessary. Some observations were made of the effect of gel-forming dietary fibre on stomach emptying and intestinal transit rate in the rat. Xanthan gum was added to iso-osmotic solutions to produce increased viscosity and phenol sulphonphthalein (phenol red) was used as a non-absorbable marker. Gavage feeding of solutions with a range of viscosities was used to study the effect of viscosity on the rate of stomach emptying and intestinal transit. Increased viscosity was observed to slow gastro-intestinal transit and this provides one mechanism by which dietary fibre of the gel-forming type ray improve glucose tolerance.

Comprehension strategies of above average English as a foreign language (EFL) readers

The study reported in this thesis is a single-shot case study, which aims to provide a detailed description ofthe reading comprehension strategies used by fifteen student teachers ofEnglish from Indonesian- and Javanese-speaking backgrounds in the last year of their four-year Strata-One study at a university In Yogyakarta, Indonesia. These readers were above average among their peers in that their average indexes of grades in Reading and Speaking classes were 3.22 and 3,34 respectively, while the average indexes ofthe peer group were 271 and 2.63, respectively, out ofa scale of 0 to 400. In addition, while students in this university may complete their study by course work or by research, these readers were all enrolled as research students. As studying comprehension strategies involves complex issues, a multi-method approach is required, not only for breadth of coverage, but also to allow for a check on the validity of individual methods. To achieve the goal of the study, thinka1oud tasks, retellings, a reading comprehensIon test, indepth interviews and observations were employed to explore the strategies used. An analysis of the recorded data indicates that these readers used thirty strategies classified under five clusters: infomiation gathering, information processing, text interpretation, comprehension monitoring, and comprehension utilisation. In general, readers started gathering information by silent reading, interpreted the text by an inference or a paraphrase, and ended the task by making selfreflections relevant to the text. Most readers managed to identify problems when they occurred, and monitored their comprehension when they doubted their interpretation, as could be seen from their rereading the text or vocalising its pail(s). When direct interpretation was difficult, readers associated the text with prior knowledge or interrelated parts of the text, The readers in this study share characteristics of both poor and good native readers, in the sense that there was evidence ofgood strategy use butthe readers did not manage to maintain it consistently. As a result, even the successful readers were not able to maximise their potential. The implication is that in order to develop students into independent readers, strategy instruction should be part of and appropriately embedded in, the reading instruction. There is a need not merely to teach strategies as such, but rather to teach flexibility in strategy use. While there was sufficient evidence that thinkaloud tasks and their complementary methods worked to achieve the goals ofthe present study, similar studies with different cohorts are suggested for crosschecks.

Australia and East Timor : elitism, pragmatism and the national interest

For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a ‘prickly’ issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice? It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence ‘Doc’ Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites’ regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics. The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australia’s national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to ‘shore up’ the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial. Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response? Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion? Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites’ attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.