992 resultados para Regional Parliament
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Gestión del conocimiento
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Gestión del conocimiento
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Gestión del conocimiento
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Gestión del conocimiento
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Gestión del conocimiento
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The quartzite microfabric found in the Lorrain Formation was studied across the La Cloche syncline, along a regional north-south transect along highway 6, near Whitefish Falls, Ontario. The complete stratigraphic sequence across the syncline is preserved, and is present on each fold limb. The lithostratigraphic units with the smallest grains size and lowest mica content are located close to the core of the fold, while coarser grained mica and feldspar rich units are situated at the northern and southern most extent of the transect. Deformation mechanisms vary with lithology and with position across the fold. Pressure solution appears to be the dominant deformation mechanism in the feldspathic, micaceous and ferruginous units. In the finer grained, mica poor white medium grained and cherty sandstone units, grain boundary migration (GBM) characteristics show dominance over those of pressure solution and show high amounts of fracturing which cut migrated boundaries and therefore post date GBM. All samples across the fold display a preferred orientation of quartz c-axes. The senses of asymmetry of fabrics are found to be similar across the syncline, with the exception of the ferruginous sandstone unit. Formation of these similar fabrics synmietries can not be the result of strain related to first order folding. The mica content appears to be related to the percentage of quartz lost due to pressure solution as a result of strain; the more mica present, the less quartz was lost. Calculations based on the shape of initial grains suggest that conservatively 30% of the quartz volume has been dissolved out of the Lorrain quartzite, and potentially migrated hundreds of meters to other members of the Huronian Supergroup as there was no meso or macroscopic evidence observed in outcrop.
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The thesis assesses the impact of international factors on relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots during and after the Cold War. Through an analysis of the Cyprus problem it explores both why external actors intervene in communal conflicts and how they influence relations between ethnic groups in plural societies. The analytical framework employed throughout the study draws on contributions of International Relations theorists and students of ethnic conflict. The thesis argues that, as in the global political system, relations between ethnic groups in unranked communal systems are anarchic; that is, actors within the system do not recognize a sovereign political authority. In bipolar communal systems dominated by two relatively equal groups, the struggle for security and power often leads to appeals for assistance from external actors. The framework notes that neighboring states and Great Powers may heed calls for assistance, or intervene without a prior request, if it is in their interest to do so. The convergence of regional and global interests in communal affairs exacerbates ethnic conflicts and precludes the development of effective political institutions. The impact of external intervention in ethnic conflicts has the potential to alter the basis of communal relations. The Cyprus problem is examined both during and after the Cold War in order to gauge how global and regional actors and the structure of their respective systems have affected relations between ethnic groups in Cyprus. The thesis argues that Cyprus's descent into civil war in 1963 was due in part to the entrenchment of external interests in the Republic's constitution. The study also notes that power politics involving the United States, Soviet Union, Greece and Turkey continued to affect the development of communal relations throughout the 1960s, 70s, and, 80s. External intervention culminated in July and August 1974, after a Greek sponsored coup was answered by Turkey's invasion and partition of Cyprus. The forced expulsion of Greek Cypriots from the island's northern territories led to the establishment of ethnically homogeneous zones, thus altering the context of communal relations dramatically. The study also examines the role of the United Nations in Cyprus, noting that its failure to settle the dispute was due in large part to a lack of cooperation from Turkey, and the United States' and Soviet Union's acceptance of the status quo following the 1974 invasion and partition of the island. The thesis argues that the deterioration of Greek-Turkish relations in the post-Cold War era has made a solution to the dispute unlikely for the time being. Barring any dramatic changes in relations between communal and regional antagonists, relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots will continue to develop along the lines established in July/August 1974. The thesis concludes by affirming the validity of its core hypotheses through a brief survey of recent works touching on international politics and ethnic conflict. Questions requiring further research are noted as are elements of the study that require further refinement.
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and the Australian Country Party since 1918. 2. The thesis examines the proposition that the role of a minor party is determined, not by its total strength expressed as a percentage of the national vote, but by how its strength is concentrated. Australia and Britain were chosen for the comparison because of the many similarities in political culture and in the extent of class voting. Each country has a party - the Country Party in Australia and the Liberal Party in Britain - which has had a distinct impact on the political scene in their respective countries. In the period from 1918 to the present day neither party, at the national level, has ever held the largest number of seats in parliament let alone a majority of seats, and it is in this sense that they are herein defined as minor parties. In the thesis the constitutional background of and differences between Australia and Britain are reviewed, followed by a brief historical picture of each of the two parties being studied. The sources of supporc of the two parties are analysed and it is here that real differences emerge. The Country Party in Australia is a deliberately sectional party with a narrow rural base, whereas the British Liberal Party is more broadly based than either the Labour or Conservative Parties in Britain. 3. Party leadership and organisation are then discussed. Both parties have had outstanding leaders, Earle Page and McEwen for the Country Party; Asquith, Lloyd George and Grimond for the Liberal Party. Both parties have had relatively fewer leaders than their major party opponents. However, whereas the Country Party has been free of serious splits the Liberal Party was shattered on the leadership struggles of Asquith and Lloyd George. Both parties have been identified with decentralisation of state power, the Country Party through its support, albeit sometimes lukewarm of the New States Movement; the Liberal Party through its espousal of a federal system for Britain with separate Welsh, Scottish and regional assemblies. Unfortunately for the British Liberal Party the beneficiaries of their policies in this area have been relatively new nationalist parties in both Wales arid Scotland. The major part of the thesis is devoted to a study of how the electoral systems in the two countries have, in practice, worked to the advantage or disadvantage of the Country Party and the British Liberal Party. The Country Party has been as consistently over-represented in the House of Representatives as the Liberal Party has been under-represented in the British House of Commons. With the even distribution of its support the introduction of the single transferable vote, in itself, would bring little benefit to the British Liberal Party in terms of seats. Multimember urban constituencies combined with some type of list system are the only way the Liberals are likely to obtain House of Commons seats in proportion to their votes. 4. Finally, the relations of the two minor parties with their respective major parties are considered. In the conclusion the future of the two parties is reviewed. In general terms it appears that the Country Party is faced with a slow decline. Although the British Liberal Party made a major breakthrough, in terms of votes, in the February 1974 election, they were unable to maintain this momentum in the October election, even though they lost very little ground. In the long term they must make an inroad into Labour held seats if they are to progress further.
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This thesis consists of a quantitative analysis of the regional prevalence of certain artistic motifs as they appear in Minoan wall painting of the Neopalatial period. This will help to establish the relative degree of artistic autonomy exercised by each of the sites included in this study. The results show that the argument for itinerant artists during this time period is a strong one, but the assumption that these travelling artists were being controlled by any one palace-centre is erroneous. Rather, the similarities and differences seen suggest that the choices were predicated either by the specific patrons, or by the function of the associated building or room. Thus, the motifs found within this study should be understood as constituting a cultural identity, with greater or lesser degrees of regional homogeneity, which act as one facet of a number of cultural indicators that can be used to better understand the role of artists and regional dynamics on the island during the Bronze Age.
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The Lincoln County Historical Council began meeting December 17,1960 under the advisement of the Publicity, Planning and Development Committee of Lincoln County. The group was composed of three members appointed from each of the four existing historical societies: one member appointed from the executive of the Women’s Institute, one member from Lincoln County Council, the Deputy-Clerk and Treasurer of the County and a member from the Niagara Editorial Bureau. The Welland County Historical Council was soon formed after this along the same lines. In the early 1960’s the Lincoln and Welland County historical councils began work on an inventory of historic buildings with the intent to emphasize the historical significance of this area. The information gathered by volunteers and a professional photographer and an architect was used to present a “brief” to the federal government in 1962 and the provincial government in 1963. This brief, An Area of Historical Interest in the Counties of Lincoln and Welland, Ontario was published in 1962 and revised and distributed to schools and libraries in the area in 1965. The Ontario Buildings Inventory Project became a provincial initiative spearheaded by the Department of Public Records and Archives, a branch of the Department of Tourism and Information, ca. 1966. Volunteers collected and photographed buildings of historical interest in Lincoln and Welland counties. This information was recorded on standardized survey forms for every township in the Niagara region. Niagara Regional Historical Council was created with the merger of Lincoln County Historical Council and Welland County Historical Council, at the time of the formation of Niagara Regional Government in 1970. The first meeting of the new council was held January 1970.
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A letter of resignation from parliament. Sean O'Sullivan decided to resign from his MP position in parliament in 1977 to pursue religious studies and become a Catholic priest.
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The Act begins: "An Act to continue, until the Tenth Day of November One thousand eight hundred and twenty-six, certain Parts of an Act of the Third Year of His present Majesty, among other Things for the preventing private Distillation in Scotland"
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Broadside, 45 cm. x 30 cm. of a requisition to W. Woodruff from William W. Ball, John McBride, Robert N. Ball, W. Servos, Joseph Wynn and 150 other people for Mr. Woodruff to run as a Representative in Parliament. This is followed by a positive, and humble response from Mr. Woodruff, June 3, 1856.