900 resultados para RELIGION AND MEDICINE


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This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party ( Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat ), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah ( Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.

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This study was a critical reassessment of the problematics of mestizaje in three representative texts pertaining to the Indigenist Peruvian narrative: Yawar Fiesta (1941) by José María Arguedas; El mundo es ancho y ajeno (1941) by Ciro Alegría; and Los ríos profundos (1958) by José María Arguedas. As this investigation demonstrated, Alegría's and Arguedas' writings went beyond the reach of Indianism and orthodox Indigenism, which were prevalent during the first decades of the twentieth century, to emphasize, the values of the Indian peasantry as well as those of the mestizo and mestiza: the products of Indian and white unions, who were also considered representatives of the Peruvian culture. ^ The first chapter traced the historical process of mestizaje and demonstrated how the discursive practice of this mestizaje was expressed in the Indigenist Peruvian narrative. The chronological organization of the chapters in this dissertation paralleled the evolution of this narrative.^ The relevance of my research lies on the important contribution it makes to the field of Indigenist literature, by seeing mestizaje as both a reconstruction and a reinterpretation of the idea of nation, identity and cultural interchange. In Alegría's and Arguedas' novels, the Indigenous reality was not only seen as an isolated phenomenon, but also as the dichotomy of European versus Indian values. As a result, Indigenist narrative presented a true and all encompassing world; therefore, Alegría's and Arguedas' narrative deepened our understanding of the aspects of a multicultural society.^ In order to accomplish this analysis, research was conducted in areas such as history, languages, ethnology, ethnography, anthropology, folklore, religion, and syncretism. My study was based on works such as Antonio Cornejo Polar's heterogeneous literatures, Mijail Bajtín's conception of dialogism and polyphony, Benedict Anderson's Imagined Communities, Angel Rama's notion of transculturation, Homi Bhabha's liminal space, Walter Ong's study of orality and literacy, and Julia Kristeva's theory of abjection, among others.^

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Context: While research suggests whole body vibration (WBV) positively affects measures of neuromuscular performance in athletes, researchers have yet to address appropriate and effective vibration protocols. Objective: To identify the acute effects of continuous and intermittent WBV on muscular power and agility in recreationally active females. Design: We used a randomized 3-period cross-over design to observe the effects of 3 vibration protocols on muscular power and agility. Setting: Sports Science and Medicine Research Laboratory at Florida International University. Patients or Other Participants: Eleven recreationally active female volunteers (age=24.4±5.7y; ht=166.0±10.3cm; mass=59.7±14.3kg). Interventions: Each session, subjects stood on the Galileo WBV platform (Orthometrix, White Plains, NY) and received one of three randomly assigned vibration protocols. Our independent variable was vibration length (continuous, intermittent, or no vibration). Main Outcome Measures: An investigator blinded to the vibration protocol measured muscular power and agility. We measured muscular power with heights of squat and countermovement jumps. We measured agility with the Illinois Agility Test. Results: Continuous WBV significantly increased SJ height from 97.9±7.6cm to 98.5±7.5cm (P=0.019, β=0.71, η2 =0.07) but not CMJ height [99.1±7.4cm pretest and 99.4±7.4cm posttest (P=0.167, β=0.27)] or agility [19.2±2.1s pretest and 19.0±2.1s posttest (P=0.232, β=0.21)]. Intermittent WBV significantly enhanced SJ height from 97.6±7.7cm to 98.5±7.7cm (P=0.017, β=0.71, η2 =0.11) and agility 19.4±2.2s to 19.0±2.1s (P=0.001, β=0.98, η2=0.16), but did not effect CMJ height [98.7±7.7cm pretest and 99.3±7.3cm posttest (P=0.058, β=0.49)]. Conclusion: Continuous WBV increased squat jump height, while intermittent vibration enhanced agility and squat jump height. Future research should continue investigating the effect of various vibration protocols on athletic performance.

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This issue, edited by LACC Director of Research and Colombian Studies Institute Director, Ana Maria Bidegain, presents today’s Latin American and Caribbean religious landscape through different lenses: country profiles (Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia); sub-regional monographs (River Plate and the Caribbean); vignettes on the evolution of particular religious denominations (Christian, Islamic, and Judaic), communities (indige- nous Pentecostals) and practices (New World African religion). The feature article, authored by leading US expert on Latin American religion, Daniel Levine, examines the relationship between religion and politics in the region after thirty years of democratic rule. Different perspectives are represented: from the North and South of the Americas, as well as Europe.

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Sarah M. Pike, Professor of Comparative Religion and Director of the Humanities Center at California State University, Chico, presents a lecture on the subject of projections of both evil and witchcraft on young adults. Lecture held at the Green Library, Modesto Maidique Campus, Florida International University on September 30, 2014.

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This thesis attempted to explain society's worldview of Santeria and its practice of animal sacrifice, and the breakdown between the federal and local government after a 1993 Supreme Court ruling affirming their right to engage in this sacred ritual. Santeria practitioners are harassed and prosecuted for exercising their right to practice animal sacrifice. The research was intended to present the cosmology of the Lukumi tradition, the intellectual framework explored, a review of Freedom of Religion and the case of Lukumi v. Hialeah, and finally the media's role in shaping the worldview of Santeria that have perpetuated this breakdown. The thesis consisted of 87 research items, a community survey, interviews, a Santeria divination, and review of case law, books,newspaper and online journals. These findings demonstrated that freedom of religion is not so free in the U.S., and exists only to the extent the media and municipal laws choose to allow.

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Despite the long history of Muslims in Russia, most scholarly and political literatures on Russia’s Islam still narrowly interpret Muslim-Slavs relations in an ethnic-religious oppositional framework. In my work, I examine Russia’s discourse on Islam to argue that, in fact, the role of Islam in post-Soviet Russia is complex. Drawing from direct sources from academic, state, journalistic, and underground circles, often neglected by Western commentators, I identify ideational patterns in conceptualizations of Islam and reconstruct relational networks among authors. To explain complex intertextual relations within specific contexts, I utilize an analytically eclectic method that appropriately combines theories from different paradigms and/or disciplines. Thanks to my multi-dimensional approach, I show that, contrary to traditional views, Russia’s Muslims participate in processes of post-Soviet Russia’s identity formation. Starting from textual contents, avoiding pre-formed analytical frames, I argue that many Muslims in Russia perceive themselves as part of Russian civilization – even when they challenge the status-quo. Building on my initial findings, I state that a key element in Russia’s conceptualization of Islam is the definition, elaborated in the 1990s, of traditional Islam as part of Russian civilizational history, as opposed to extremist Islam as extraneous, hostile phenomenon. The differentiation creates an unprecedently safe, if confined, space for Islamic propositions, of which Muslims are taking advantage. Embedded in debates on Russian civilization, conceptualizations of Islam, then, influence Russia’s (geo)political self-perceptions and, consequently, its domestic and international policies. In particular, Russian so-far neglected Islamic doctrine supports views of Islamic terrorism as a political and not religious phenomenon. Hence, Russia interprets both terrorism and counterterrorism within its own historical tradition, causing its strategy to be at odds with Western views. Less apparently, these divergences affect Russian-U.S. broader relations. Finally, in revealing the civilizational value of Russia’s Islam, I expose intellectual relations among influential subjects who share the aim to devise a new civilizational model that should combine Slavic and non-Slavic, Orthodox and Islamic, Western, and Asian components. In this old Russian dilemma, the novelty is Muslims’ participation.

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Immigrant youth are the fastest growing component of the U.S. population and Mexicans are the largest immigrant group in the U.S. The manner in which they integrate into U.S. society and the ways that they become civically engaged, will greatly determine the nature of civil society in the United States over the next few decades. Moreover, religion is increasingly recognized as an important factor in immigrant adaptation. Based upon fieldwork of participant observation and interviews in Homestead, Florida, this thesis examined the relationship among Mexican youths' identity, religion and civic engagement. I found that if these youths are active in religious practices they will be more likely to identify themselves as part of the dominant group, in this case American society. Religious groups are powerful tools that can help these youth reach the greater community.

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This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah (Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.

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Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Funded by College of Life Science and Medicine, University of Aberdeen, UK This work was funded by a start-up grant from the College of Life Science and Medicine, University of Aberdeen, UK. I am grateful to J. Bähler, E. Hartsuiker, F. Klein, J. Kohli, K. Nasmyth, M. C. Whitby, the Leibniz Institute – German Collection of Microorganisms and Cell Cultures (DMSZ) and the National BioResource Project Japan (NBRP) for providing materials used in this study. I thank Alistair J. P. Brown and Takashi Kubota for critically reading this manuscript.

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Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Funded by College of Life Science and Medicine, University of Aberdeen, UK This work was funded by a start-up grant from the College of Life Science and Medicine, University of Aberdeen, UK. I am grateful to J. Bähler, E. Hartsuiker, F. Klein, J. Kohli, K. Nasmyth, M. C. Whitby, the Leibniz Institute – German Collection of Microorganisms and Cell Cultures (DMSZ) and the National BioResource Project Japan (NBRP) for providing materials used in this study. I thank Alistair J. P. Brown and Takashi Kubota for critically reading this manuscript.

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Peer reviewed

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When referring to cinema and its emancipatory potential, realism, like Plato’s pharmakon, has signified both illness and cure, poison and medicine. On the one hand, realism is regarded as the main feature of so-called classical cinema, inherently conservative and thoroughly ideological, its main raison d’être being to reify and make a particular version of the status quo believable and to pass it out as ‘reality’ (Burch, 1990; MacCabe, 1974). On the other, realism has also been interpreted as a quest for truth and social justice, as in the positivist ethos that informs documentary (Zavattini, 1953). Even in the latter sense, however, the extent to which realism has served colonizing ends when used to investigate the ‘truth’ of the Other has also been noted, rendering the form profoundly suspicious (Chow, 2007, p. 150). For realism has been a Western form of representation, one that can be traced back to the invention of perspective in painting and that peaked with the secular worldview brought about by the Enlightenment. And like realism, the nation state too is a product of the Enlightenment, nationalism being, as it were, a secular replacement for the religious - that is enchanted or fantastic - worldview. In this way, realism, cinema and nation are inextricably linked, and equally strained under the current decline of the Enlightenment paradigm. This chapter looks at Y tu Mamá También by Alfonso Cuarón (2001), a highly successful road movie with documentary features, to explore the ways in which realism, cinema and nation interact with each other in the present conditions of ‘globalization’ as experienced in Mexico. The chapter compares and contrasts various interpretations of the role of realism in this film put forward by critics and scholars and other discourses about it circulating in the media with actual ways of audience engagement with it.

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Background: Mental health, specifically depression, is a burden of disease in Pakistan. Religion and depression have not been studied in Pakistan currently, specially within a subset of a rural population. Methods: A secondary-data analysis was conducted using logistic regression for a non-parametrically distributed data set. The setting was in rural Pakistan, near Rawalpindi, and the sample size data was collected from the SHARE (South Asian Hub for Advocacy, Research, and Education). The measures used were the phq9 scaled for depression, prayer number, mother’s education, mother’s age, and if the mothers work. Results: This study demonstrated that there was no association between prayer and depression in this cohort. The mean prayer number between depressed and non-depressed women was 1.22 and 1.42, respectively, and a Wilcoxan rank sum test indicated that this was not significant. Conclusions: The primary finding indicates that increased frequency of prayer is not associated with a decreased rate of depression. This may be due to prayer number not being a significant enough measure. The implications of these findings stress the need for more depression intervention in rural Pakistan.