Comparing impact and cost-effectiveness of primary prevention strategies for lipid-lowering.

BACKGROUND: Lipid-lowering therapy is costly but effective at reducing coronary heart disease (CHD) risk. OBJECTIVE: To assess the cost-effectiveness and public health impact of Adult Treatment Panel III (ATP III) guidelines and compare with a range of risk- and age-based alternative strategies. DESIGN: The CHD Policy Model, a Markov-type cost-effectiveness model. DATA SOURCES: National surveys (1999 to 2004), vital statistics (2000), the Framingham Heart Study (1948 to 2000), other published data, and a direct survey of statin costs (2008). TARGET POPULATION: U.S. population age 35 to 85 years. Time Horizon: 2010 to 2040. PERSPECTIVE: Health care system. INTERVENTION: Lowering of low-density lipoprotein cholesterol with HMG-CoA reductase inhibitors (statins). OUTCOME MEASURE: Incremental cost-effectiveness. RESULTS OF BASE-CASE ANALYSIS: Full adherence to ATP III primary prevention guidelines would require starting (9.7 million) or intensifying (1.4 million) statin therapy for 11.1 million adults and would prevent 20,000 myocardial infarctions and 10,000 CHD deaths per year at an annual net cost of $3.6 billion ($42,000/QALY) if low-intensity statins cost $2.11 per pill. The ATP III guidelines would be preferred over alternative strategies if society is willing to pay $50,000/QALY and statins cost $1.54 to $2.21 per pill. At higher statin costs, ATP III is not cost-effective; at lower costs, more liberal statin-prescribing strategies would be preferred; and at costs less than $0.10 per pill, treating all persons with low-density lipoprotein cholesterol levels greater than 3.4 mmol/L (>130 mg/dL) would yield net cost savings. RESULTS OF SENSITIVITY ANALYSIS: Results are sensitive to the assumptions that LDL cholesterol becomes less important as a risk factor with increasing age and that little disutility results from taking a pill every day. LIMITATION: Randomized trial evidence for statin effectiveness is not available for all subgroups. CONCLUSION: The ATP III guidelines are relatively cost-effective and would have a large public health impact if implemented fully in the United States. Alternate strategies may be preferred, however, depending on the cost of statins and how much society is willing to pay for better health outcomes. FUNDING: Flight Attendants' Medical Research Institute and the Swanson Family Fund. The Framingham Heart Study and Framingham Offspring Study are conducted and supported by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute.

Outcome and Experience from the Swiss Mammography Screening Pilot Programmes

BACKGROUND:The Swiss breast cancer screening pilot programme was conducted in 3 districts of theFrench-speaking canton of Vaud (ca. 300,000 resident women) between October 1993 and January 1999.Women aged 50 to 69 were invited by mail every 2 years for a free of charge screening mammography (doubleview, multiple reading). This first ever-organised cancer screening programme in Switzerland showed thefeasibility and acceptability of this kind of public health intervention in the liberal Swiss healthcare system, whichwas the main objective of the pilot programme. This mammographic screening programme was extended to thewhole canton in 1999, and contributed to the implementation of similar programmes in 2 neighbouring cantons. OBJECTIVE:To appraise the use, the quality and the effectiveness of the Swiss screening pilot programme. METHODS:About 15,000 women (aged 50-69) were enrolled. Logistic regression analyses were performedseparately to identify determinants of initial and subsequent attendance. Standard indicators of quality,effectiveness and impact of the programme were assessed and compared with European recommendations. Tothis intent, linkage with data from the Vaud Cancer Registry was performed. RESULTS:About half the target population was screened at least once during the pilot trial. Participation washigher among Swiss than foreigners, among widowed or married women than among single, divorced or separatedones. Attendance also increased with age and decreasing distance between residence and the dedicatedscreening centre. Apart from Swiss citizenship, socio-demographic factors were not associated with reattendance.Intensity of prior recruitment, outcome of previous screening test (positive vs. negative) and indicators of women'shealth behaviour (time of last mammography prior to initial screen, smoking status) were the main determinants ofreattendance. Programme performance and quality indicators were, overall, in line with European Guidelines. Theywere overall more favourable among 60-69 than 50-59 year-olds and improved over time. CONCLUSION:The objectives of the pilot programme were met. Even if participation should increase in order toreach European standards, performance indicators overall met quality requirements. Ways to improve screeninguse, quality and effectiveness were devised and taken into account for the generalisation of the programme.

Autonomy-enhancing paternalism

We present a form of soft paternalism called "autonomy-enhancing paternalism" that seeks to in-crease individual well-being by facilitating the individual ability to make critically reflected, autonomous decisions. The focus of autonomy-enhancing paternalism is on helping individuals to become better decision-makers, rather than on helping them by making better decisions for them. Autonomy-enhancing paternalism acknowledges that behavioral interventions can change the strength of decision-making anomalies over time, and favors those interventions that improve, rather than reduce, individuals ability to make good and unbiased decisions. By this it prevents manipulation of the individual by the soft paternalist, accounts for the heterogeneity of individuals, and counteracts slippery slope arguments by decreasing the probability of future paternalistic interventions. Moreover, autonomy-enhancing paternalism can be defended based on both liberal values and welfare considerations.

Picking the Right Budget Constraint for Scotland

This position paper considers the devolution of further fiscal powers to the Scottish Parliament in the context of the objectives and remit of the Smith Commission. The argument builds on our discussion of fiscal decentralization made in our previous published work on this topic. We ask what sort of budget constraint the Scottish Parliament should operate with. A soft budget constraint (SBC) allows the Scottish Parliament to spend without having to consider all of the tax and, therefore, political consequences, of that spending, which is effectively the position at the moment. The incentives to promote economic growth through fiscal policy – on both the tax and spending sides are weak to non-existent. This is what the Scotland Act, 1998, and the continuing use of the Barnett block grant, gave Scotland. Now other budget constraints are being discussed – those of the Calman Commission (2009) and the Scotland Act (2012), as well as the ones offered in 2014 by the various political parties – Scottish Conservatives, Scottish Greens, Scottish Labour, the Scottish Liberal Democrats and the Scottish Government. There is also the budget constraint designed by the Holtham Commission (2010) for Wales that could just as well be used in Scotland. We examine to what extent these offer the hard budget constraint (HBC) that would bring tax policy firmly into the realm of Scottish politics, asking the Scottish electorate and Parliament to consider the costs to them of increasing spending in terms of higher taxes; or the benefits to them of using public spending to grow the tax base and own-sourced taxes? The hardest budget constraint of all is offered by independence but, as is now known, a clear majority of those who voted in the referendum did not vote for this form of budget constraint. Rather they voted for a significant further devolution of fiscal powers while remaining within a political and monetary union with the rest of the UK, with the risk pooling and revenue sharing that this implies. It is not surprising therefore that none of the budget constraints on offer, apart from the SNP’s, come close to the HBC of independence. However, the almost 25% fall in the price of oil since the referendum, a resource stream so central to the SNP’s economic policy making, underscores why there is a need for a trade off between a HBC and risk pooling and revenue sharing. Ranked according to the desirable characteristic of offering something approaching a HBC the least desirable are those of the Calman Commission, the Scotland Act, 2012, and Scottish Labour. In all of these the ‘elasticity’ of the block grant in the face of failure to grow the Scottish tax base is either not defined or is very elastic – meaning that the risk of failure is shuffled off to taxpayers outside of Scotland. The degree of HBC in the Scottish Conservative, Scottish Greens and Scottish Liberal Democrats proposals are much more desirable from an economic growth point of view, the latter even embracing the HBC proposed by the Holtham Commission that combines serious tax policy with welfare support in the long-run. We judge that the budget constraint in the SNP’s proposals is too hard as it does not allow for continuation of the ‘welfare union’ in the UK. We also consider that in the case of a generalized UK economic slow requiring a fiscal stimulus that the Scottish Parliament be allowed increased borrowing to be repaid in the next economic upturn.

Déconstruction de la maîtrise théologique et nécessité éthique de l'instabilité normative

Dans une première partie, l'A. de cet article considère les relations instables qui existent entre l'éthique et la théologie, car il s'agit de deux problématiques distinctes. Dans le deuxième point, il montre que ces deux problématiques ne sont pas si distinctes qu'il eût été possible, traitant de la première, d'en taire complètement la seconde, qui aborde de front la tension entre la maîtrise et le chaos. La partie finale développe la reconstruction de l'avenir public de l'éthique théologique : signaler la transcendance, répondre du mal et résister aux injustices.

Luc-Actes: une unité à construire

(Résumé de l'ouvrage) This volume contains the papers presented at the 47th Colloquium Biblicum Lovaniense (Leuven, 1998). The general theme of the meeting was the unity of the Gospel of Luke and the Acts of the Apostles. Main papers on this topic were read by R.L. Brawley, J. Delobel, A. Denaux, J.A. Fitzmeyer, F.W. Horn, J. Kremer, A. Lindemann, O. Mainville, D. Marguerat, F. Neirynck, W. Radl, M. Rese, J. Taylor, C.M. Tuckett, and J. Verheyden. While a large majority of scholars agree that Luke intended his work to cover both the past and the continuing history of Jesus (Gospel and Acts), the essays also illustrate the complexities of this view on the unity of Luke-Acts when it comes to interpret the various aspects of Lukan theology, christology, pneumatology, and ecclesiology, the expansion of the Church in light of its Jewish origins, the genre of Luke-Acts, and the literary and stylistic means Luke used to make his work a unity. In total the volume includes some 40 papers, of which 24 are offered papers: L. Alexander, H. Baarlink, M. Bachmann, D. Bechard, T.L. Brodie, G.P. Carras, A. del Agua, C. Focant, G. Geiger, B.J. Koet, V. Koperski, D.P. Moessner, G. Oegema, J. Pichler, E. Plümacher, A. Puig i Tarrèch, U. Schmid, B. Schwank, N. Taylor, P.J. Tomson, S. Van den Eynde, S. Walton, G. Wasserberg, F. Wilk. This collection is an invaluable contribution to current discussions in Lukan study and to a nuanced understanding of the relationship between Luke's two volumes.

Théologie et bioéthique. Une perspective protestante

La contribution de l'éthique protestante au débat bioéthique est fortement dépendante de la situation confessionnelle des pays considérés. En Suisse, l'équilibre entre points de vue laïques, protestants et catholiques oblige à réfléchir à la condition pluraliste d'une éthique de la discussion de type démocratique. Les convictions protestantes y trouvent un terrain propice, dans le sens d'une éthique ouverte sur les représentations symboliques et religieuses dont la transcendance porte trace.

L'Etica protestante 'tra i milleni'

Esquisse d'une éthique protestante, non plus système de valeurs et de normes, mais lieu de coexistence, espace de reconnaissance mutuelle et d'échange réciproque

Ecologie et liberté : libéralisme versus républicanisme

La question centrale de ce travail est celle de la relation entre finitude environnementale et liberté individuelle. Par finitude environnementale il faut entendre l'ensemble des contraintes écologiques variées qui posent des limites à l'action humaine. Celles-ci sont de deux types généraux : les limites de disponibilité des ressources naturelles et: les limites de charge des écosystèmes et des grands cycles biogéochimiques globaux (chapitre 1). La thèse défendue ici est que les conceptions libertariennes et libérales de la liberté sont en conflit avec la nécessité de prendre en compte de telles limites et qu'une approche néo-républicaine est mieux à même de répondre à ces enjeux écologiques. Les théories libertariennes, de droite comme de gauche, sont inadaptées à la prise en compte de la finitude des ressources naturelles car elles maintiennent un droit à l'appropriation illimitée de ces dernières par les individus. Ce point est en contradiction avec le caractère systémique de la rareté et avec l'absence de substitut pour certaines ressources indispensables à la poursuite d'une vie décente (chapitres 2 et 3). La théorie libérale de la neutralité, appuyée par le principe du tort (harm principle), est quant à elle inadaptée à la prise en compte des problèmes environnementaux globaux comme le changement climatique. Les mécanismes causaux menant à la création de dommages environnementaux sont en effet indirects et diffus, ce qui empêche l'assignation de responsabilités au niveau individuel. La justification de politiques environnementales contraignantes s'en trouve donc mise en péril (chapitre 4). Ces difficultés proviennent avant tout de deux traits caractéristiques de ces doctrines : leur ontologie sociale atomiste et leur conception de la liberté comme liberté de choix. Le néo-républicanisme de Philip Pettit permet de répondre à ces deux problèmes grâce à son ontologie holiste et à sa conception de la liberté comme non- domination. Cette théorie permet donc à la fois de proposer une conception de la liberté compatible avec la finitude environnementale et de justifier des politiques environnementales exigeantes, sans que le sacrifice en termes de liberté n'apparaisse trop important (chapitre 5). - The centrai issue of this work is that of the relationship between environmental finiteness and individual liberty. By environmental finiteness one should understand the set of diverse ecological constraints that limit human action. These limits are of two general kinds: on the one hand the availability of natural resources, and on the other hand the carrying capacity of ecosystems and biogeochemical cycles (chapter 1}. The thesis defended here is that libertarian and liberal conceptions of liberty conflict with the necessity to take such limits into account, and that a neo-republican approach is best suited to address environmental issues. Libertarian theories, right-wing as well as left-wing, are in particular not able to take resource scarcity into account because they argue for an unlimited right of individuals to appropriate those resources. This point is in contradiction with the systemic nature of scarcity and with the absence of substitutes for some essential resources (chapters 2 and 3). The liberal doctrine of neutrality, as associated with the harm principle, is unsuitable when addressing global environmental issues like climate change. Causal mechanisms leading to environmental harm are indirect and diffuse, which prevents the assignation of individual responsibilities. This makes the justification of coercive environmental policies difficult (chapter 4). These difficulties stem above all from two characteristic features of libertarian and liberal doctrines: their atomistic social ontology and their conception of freedom as liberty of choice. Philip Pettit's neo- republicanism on the other hand is able to address these problems thanks to its holist social ontology and its conception of liberty as non-domination. This doctrine offers a conception of liberty compatible with environmental limits and theoretical resources able to justify demanding environmental policies without sacrificing too much in terms of liberty (chapter 5).

Scepticism Revisited

Liberalism claims that for a subject S to be justified in believing p, a proposition about the external world, on the basis of his senses it is not necessary to be antecedently justified in believing propositions as there is an external world. On the other hand, conservatism claims that to be justified in believing that p on the basis of one’s perception, one must have antecedent justification to believe that p. Intuitively, we are inclined to think that liberalism about the structure of perceptual justification fits better with our epistemic practices. We acknowledge that, although we cannot produce warrant for the background belief in the external world, our empirical beliefs can be perceptually justified. However, I am interested in arguing that conservatism is theoretically better supported than liberalism. The first reason to defend this is based on the fact that in embracing liberalism dogmatism is affected by pervasive problems. The second one comes from recognizing the strength of the argument based on the thesis that experience is theory-laden. But not all are advantages for conservatism. Conservatism is presupposed in contemporary formulations of scepticism through the requirement of prior justification for background assumptions, and this fact compels anti-sceptical conservatives to conceive a non-evidential form of warrant, entitlement, to contest the sceptical threat My main worry is that, although the path of entitlement has some prospects to succeed, this new notion of justification seems to be posed ad hoc for conservatives to solve the sceptical problem. These contents are organized along the three chapters. The result of chapter 1 is a pattern of sceptical argument formed by two premises: P1*, a conservative principle, and P2*. In chapter 2 and chapter 3 two anti-sceptical proposals against the argument sketched in chapter 1 are described. Chapter 2 is devoted to explain and assess a first anti-sceptical proposal that denies P1*: dogmatism. Moreover, in chapter 3, another anti-sceptical strategy is described (the route of entitlement) that contests scepticism denying the plausibility of P2*.

Autonomie et théonomie. Le projet d'une généalogie critique de l'éthique théologique

La thèse de l'A. est que le protestantisme ne pourra parvenir à une authentique élucidation de son rapport critique avec la modernité, et donc aussi à une gestion théologique convaincante du thème hautement controversé de la postmodernité, qu'à la condition de procéder avec patience et rigueur à la reconstruction de sa propre généalogie. En effet, seule une approche de type généalogique paraît à même de penser critiquement la relation du protestantisme avec les conditions de son émergence. Par émergence, l'A. entend les points de vue synchronique et diachronique

El Estado en los campos. La regulación del cultivo del arroz en la España del siglo XIX

El papel desempeñado por el Estado en la economía española del siglo XIX ha sido muy controvertido y, en general, ha recibido juicios negativos. Este artículo trata de evaluar la intervención pública en el ámbito de la regulación del cultivo del arroz. Justificada frente al paludismo, esta reglamentación encontró grandes dificultades para ser aplicada hasta que se consolidó el nuevo aparato estatal salido de la revolución liberal, a causa de las resistencias locales y las limitaciones administrativas. En la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, sin embargo, el Estado estableció una legislación que perviviría en el tiempo y fue ampliamente respetada. De ese modo el Estado mostró una cierta autonomía respecto a intereses sociales muy arraigados y materializó medidas que tenían un impacto sobre la mejora sanitaria de la población.

La Societat rural de les riberes del Xúquer davant la inundació de 1864

Entre el quatre i el cinc de novembre del 1864 la vall baixa del Xúquer va patir la major inundació del segle i una de les més greus de les que es tenen registre històric. En 1864 el volum d’aigua desbordada, reflectit en l'altura inundada en diferents punts de referència, va ultrapassar el d'anteriors revingudes. A més, per l’extensió invadida i el nombre de localitats i de població afectades (les Riberes reunien 95.000 habitants i a la resta de la zona implicada vivien 88.000 persones més) l'episodi va constituir una de les majors catàstrofes naturals en Espanya durant aquell segle. Un fet diferencial destacat és que la inundació de 1864 s’esdevenia en una etapa històrica nova. La construcció de l’Estat liberal es podia considerar culminada a la dècada dels seixanta,encara que les disensions internes entre les èlits polítiques i el descontent social creixien i estaven a prop de provocar la ruptura de 1868.

Reducció de despeses ineficients i sostenibilitat de l'Estat del Benestar: el cas de Catalunya

Malgrat que el debat de l’Estat del Benestar està en el bell mig de l’actualitat política i econòmica des de fa uns quants anys amb graus ben diversos i aproximacions diferents, la darrera gran crisi ha disparat com mai la seva actualitat. Fins el present moment, amb algunes notables excepcions, totes les tendències han conduit a desenvolupar l’Estat del Benestar fins a extrems insostenibles. Això té explicacions múltiples i variades com les que s’aborden al llarg del present text. Aquestes tendències tenen una dinàmica econòmica i social pròpia que s’ha constatat amb força durant els darrers anys. Fa unes dues dècades que aquest debat va ser encetat amb profunditat per pocs països, però amb conclusions estimulants. Suècia és l’exemple més reeixit. La reforma duta a terme en el país nòrdics és una referència de primer ordre per molts estudiosos del tema i hauria de ser font d’inspiració per a la resta de països. Seguidament, hem volgut descriure, de forma complementària i des d’una perspectiva econòmica i jurídica, un fenomen estrictament lligat al desenvolupament imparable de l’Estat del Benestar, el de la burocratització. La reflexió d’acadèmics d’escoles en diferents i, en particular, els de la Public Choice proporcionen una visió rica i complexa, que entenem fonamental per avaluar els problemes que se’n deriven. Finalment, dins el marc de la Hisenda Pública i entrant en l’estudi concret del cas català, hem volgut endinsar-nos en l’anàlisi del pressupost. Essent com és una eina indispensable per avaluar el conjunt de polítiques econòmiques i socials d’un país. Aquesta anàlisi es duu a terme des d’una doble perspectiva: la primera, mitjançant un estudi comparatiu de l’evolució del Pressupost de la Generalitat dels darrers anys i, en segon terme, el canvi que el Pressupost 2011 materialitza aquest any, prefigura el de l’any 2012 i les principals crítiques de l’oposició. Queden oberts els camins envers els possibles canvis. De fet, res està definitivament escrit, però la pretensió d’aquest treball és modesta i, alhora, clara. Sense embuts, si volem mantenir un grau de benestar sostenible, és fonamental deixar de banda l’actual concepció de l’Estat del Benestar i començar a treballar per implementar els profunds canvis necessaris que donin pas a l’únic model que, a parer nostre, aconseguirà que això sigui possible: la Societat del Benestar. Una concepció actual del paper que ha de tenir l’Estat, de caràcter liberal i, alhora, social.