951 resultados para Labor and globalization.


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Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht, in wie weit sich sozioökonomische Entwicklung und die Einbindung in Globalisierungsprozesse verantwortlich für die demokratische Entwicklung postkommunistischer Transformationsstaaten zeigen. Zu diesem Zweck wird ein theoretisches Modell hergeleitet, welches die klassische Modernisierungstheorie um neuere Ansätze erweitert und um Aspekte der Globalisierungsforschung ergänzt. Die empirischen Resultate basieren auf einer quantitativen Betrachtung von 19 postkommunistischen Staaten im Zeitraum zwischen 1996 und 2009. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich sozioökonomische Entwicklung und ökonomische Aspekte der Globalisierung positiv auf die Demokratieentwicklung auswirken; eine ungleiche Verteilung von Einkommen in der Bevölkerung sowie soziale Globalisierungsaspekte hingegen weisen lediglich marginale Effekte auf.

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In my doctoral thesis I investigated the evolution of demographic traits within eusocial Hymenoptera. In the social bees, wasps and ants, eusociality has a unique effect on life span evolution as female larvae with the same genetic background can develop through phenotypic plasticity to a queen or a worker with vastly diverging life-history traits. Ant queens belong to the longest-lived insect species, while workers in most species live only a fraction of the queen’s life span. The average colony size of a species is positively correlated with social complexity, division of labor and diverging morphological female phenotypes all of which also affect life span. Therefore the demographic traits of interest in this thesis were life span and colony size. To understand the evolution of worker life span I applied a trade-off model that includes both hierarchical levels important in eusocial systems, namely the colony- and the individual-level. I showed that the evolution of worker life span may be an adaptive trait on the colony level to optimize resource allocation and therefore fitness in response to different levels of extrinsic mortality. A shorter worker life span as a result of reduced resource investments under high levels of extrinsic mortality increases colony fitness. In a further study I showed that Lasius niger colonies produce different aging phenotypes throughout colony development. Smaller colonies which apply a different foraging strategy than larger colonies produced smaller workers, which in turn have a longer life span as compared to larger workers produced in larger colonies. With the switch to cooperative foraging in growing colonies individual workers become less important for the colony caused by their increasing redundancy. Alternatively a trade of between growth and life span may lead to the results found in this study. A further comparative analysis to study the effect of colony size on life span showed a correlation between queen and worker life span when colony size is taken into account. While neither worker nor queen life span was associated with colony size, the differences between queen and worker life span increase with larger average colony sizes across all eusocial Hymenoptera. As colony size affects both queen and worker life span, I aimed to understand which factors lead to the small colony sizes displayed by some ant species. I therefore analyzed per-capita productivity at different colony sizes of eight cavity dwelling ant species. Most colonies of the study species grew larger than optimal productivity predicted. Larger colony size was shown to increase colony homeostasis, the predictability of future productivity and in turn the survival probability of the colony. I also showed that species that deploy an individual foraging mode may circumvent the density dependent decline in foraging success by splitting the colony to several nest sites.

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Intrahepatic cholestasis of pregnancy may be complicated by fetal arrhythmia, fetal hypoxia, preterm labor, and, in severe cases, intrauterine death. The precise etiology of fetal death is not known. However, taurocholate has been demonstrated to cause arrhythmia and abnormal calcium dynamics in cardiomyocytes. To identify the underlying reason for increased susceptibility of fetal cardiomyocytes to arrhythmia, we studied myofibroblasts (MFBs), which appear during structural remodeling of the adult diseased heart. In vitro, they depolarize rat cardiomyocytes via heterocellular gap junctional coupling. Recently, it has been hypothesized that ventricular MFBs might appear in the developing human heart, triggered by physiological fetal hypoxia. However, their presence in the fetal heart (FH) and their proarrhythmogenic effects have not been systematically characterized. Immunohistochemistry demonstrated that ventricular MFBs transiently appear in the human FH during gestation. We established two in vitro models of the maternal heart (MH) and FH, both exposed to increasing doses of taurocholate. The MH model consisted of confluent strands of rat cardiomyocytes, whereas for the FH model, we added cardiac MFBs on top of cardiomyocytes. Taurocholate in the FH model, but not in the MH model, slowed conduction velocity from 19 to 9 cm/s, induced early after depolarizations, and resulted in sustained re-entrant arrhythmias. These arrhythmic events were prevented by ursodeoxycholic acid, which hyperpolarized MFB membrane potential by modulating potassium conductance. CONCLUSION: These results illustrate that the appearance of MFBs in the FH may contribute to arrhythmias. The above-described mechanism represents a new therapeutic approach for cardiac arrhythmias at the level of MFB.

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OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this study was to evaluate whether there is a relationship between the sonographic fetal thymus size and the presence of an intrauterine infection in patients with preterm labor. STUDY DESIGN: Thirty-one women who had been admitted with preterm labor and intact membranes between 24 and 32 weeks of gestation were included. Fetal thymus perimeter was measured sonographically, and amniocentesis for the microbiologic assessment of the amniotic cavity was performed. Placentas and umbilical cords were examined for the presence of chorioamnionitis/funisitis. RESULTS: The prevalence of preterm delivery and intra-amniotic infection was 51.6% (16/31 women) and 32.3% (10/31 women), respectively. In all cases with intrauterine infection and in 23.8% of cases without intrauterine infection, the fetal thymus perimeter was below the 5th percentile for gestational age (10/10 women vs 5/21 women; P < .01). Isolated histologic chorioamnionitis and funisitis were found in 22.6% and 25.8% of fetuses, respectively. The fetal thymus was below the 5th percentile for gestational age in 100%, 71.4%, and 12.5% of patients with histologic signs of funisitis and isolated chorioamnionitis and without histologic signs of infection, respectively. CONCLUSION: Fetal thymus involution in preterm labor patients is strongly associated with funisitis, which is the histologic manifestation of the fetal inflammatory response syndrome.

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Finnish North American labor contributions and involvement in strikes such as the 1913-14 Michigan Copper Strike are being restored to the historical record and even commemorated; yet some Finnish American communities’ labor history still goes untold. We contend that in the case of DeKalb, Illinois, the Finnish American labor and strike history has been, in part, overshadowed in contemporary remembrance by the city’s promotion of traditional history and commemoration focused on the barbed wire barons. Local Finnish American labor involvement and participation in strikes appears to have been marginalized in favor of a subsequent historical narrative surrounding the capitalist entrepreneurship of elites. However, counter memories of labor struggles may be lost for a variety of reasons. External and internal forces make it difficult for marginalized groups to offer alternatives to the construction of collective memories that exclude them. These forces include, but are not limited to gradual assimilation into dominant culture, internal conflict within social movements, and fear of, or experience with, governmental repression. In our archival research, surveys and interviews with 2nd and 3rd generation Finnish American residents reveal the many forces of “forgetting” that can influence the counter memory of Finnish American labor history in certain communities.

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Erick Fahle Burman. a Swedish-born, Finnish-speaking labor and political activist, twice had cases argued on his behalf before the Michigan Supreme Court. In People vs. Burman, Burman, along with nine other defendants, had his conviction affirmed by the court and all ten were forced to pay a fine of $25 each for disturbing the peace. In People vs. Immonen, Burman and his co-defendant, Unto Immonen, had their convictions overturned because of improper evidence being admitted in their lower court trial. Though the conviction was overturned, the two men had already spent several months as prisoners at hard labor in Marquette State Prison located in Michigan's Upper Peninsula. Over twenty-five years separate Burman's two trips to Michigan's high court. On the first occasion, his arrest came less than five years after his arrival as an immigrant to the U. S. On the second occasion, his arrest came less than two years after his return to the state after being away for nearly two decades. On both occasions, Burman was arrested for his involvement with red flags. Though separated by decades, these cases, taken together, are important indicators of the state of Finnish-American radicalism in the years surrounding the red flag incidents and provide interesting insights into the delicacies of political suppression. Examination of these cases within the larger career of Fahle Burman points up his overlooked importance in the history of Finnish-American socialism and communism.

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In the Iron Range Strike of 1916, working-class wives picketed alongside their husbands in a conflict-ridden and dangerous setting. Mine deputies abused immigrant women on the picket lines and in their homes, with several disquieting reports receiving statewide attention in Minnesota. Many middle-class reformers in the Twin Cities grew sympathetic to the plight of northern mining families and became controversially involved the labor struggle. Some middleclass women worked alongside working-class wives and radical organizers from the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). At the center of this gendered analysis is the cross-class cooperation between an upper-middle class woman, Lenora Austin Hamlin, a radical reformer, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, and the story of a working-class housewife, Mikla Masonovich. This study will ask how authentic, prevalent, and unproblematic their stories of cross-class cohesive action actually were. In answering this, it will address and identify those factors that impeded women’s potential for unity. “Flash in the Pan” argues that as a result of both real and perceived differences, these networks of women remained isolated, inhibiting each from gaining sufficient power to work cohesively, and marginalizing their influence. Drawing upon a variety of sources, including media representations in newspapers, and archives of social, labor and women’s organizations, this regional study lends state-level insight into the larger gender-labor historiography.

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During the lead-up to Montana second progressive era, Lee Metcalf and Forrest Anderson, along with others, kept the progressive flame lit in Montana. Metcalf’s political history is replete with close electoral wins because of his commitment to progressive ideals when the times were not always politically favorable for that. As State Legislator, MT Supreme Court Justice, Congressman and eventually as US Senator, Lee won races by as little as 55 votes because he stuck to his guns as a progressive. In Forrest Anderson’s career as a County Attorney, State Legislator, MT Supreme Court Justice and 12 years as MT Attorney General he was respected as a pragmatic practitioner of politics. But during that entire career leading up to his election as Governor, Forrest Anderson was also a stalwart supporter of the progressive agenda exemplified by FDR and the New Deal, which brought folks out of the Great Depression that was brought on by the bad policies of the GOP and big business. As MT’s second progressive period began in 1965, the first important election was Senator Metcalf’s successful re-election battle in 1966 with the sitting MT Governor, Tim Babcock. And the progressive express was really ignited by the election of Forrest Anderson as Governor in 1968 after 16 years of Republican Governors in MT. Gordon Bennett played a rather unique role, being a confidant of Metcalf and Anderson, both who respected his wide and varied experience, his intellect, and his roots in progressivism beginning with his formative years in the Red Corner of NE Montana. Working with Senator Metcalf and his team, including Brit Englund, Vic Reinemer, Peggy McLaughlin, Betty Davis and Jack Condon among others, Bennett helped shape the progressive message both in Washington DC and MT. Progressive labor and farm organizations, part of the progressive coalition, benefitted from Bennett’s advice and counsel and aided the Senator in his career including the huge challenge of having a sitting popular governor run against him for the Senate in 1966. Metcalf’s noted intern program produced a cadre of progressive leaders in Montana over the years. Most notably, Ron Richards transitioned from Metcalf Intern to Executive Secretary of the Montana Democratic Party (MDP) and assisted, along with Bennett, in the 1966 Metcalf-Babcock race in a big way. As Executive Secretary Richards was critical to the success of the MDP as a platform for Forrest Anderson’s general election run and win in 1968. After Forrest’s gubernatorial election, Richards became Executive Assistant (now called Chief of Staff) for Governor Anderson and also for Governor Thomas Judge. The Metcalf progressive strain, exemplified by many including Richards and Bennett, permeated Democratic politics during the second progressive era. So, too, did the coalition that supported Metcalf and his policies. The progressivism of the period of “In the Crucible of Change” was fired up by Lee Metcalf, Forrest Anderson and their supporters and coalitions, and Gordon Bennett was in the center of all of that, helping fire up the crucible, setting the stage for many policy advancements in both Washington DC and Montana. Gordon Bennett’s important role in the 1966 re-election of Senator Lee Metcalf and the 1968 election of Governor Forrest Anderson, as well as his wide experience in government and politics of that time allows him to provide us with an insider’s personal perspective of those races and other events at the beginning of the period of progressive change being documented “In the Crucible of Change,” as well as his personal insights into the larger political/policy picture of Montana. Gordon Bennett, a major and formative player “In the Crucible of Change,” was born in the far northeast town of Scobey, MT in 1922. He attended school in Scobey through the eighth grade and graduated from Helena High School. After attending Carroll College for two years, he received his BA in economics from Carleton College in Northfield, MN. During a brief stint on the east coast, his daily reading of the New York Times (“best newspaper in the world at that time … and now”) inspired him to pursue a career in journalism. He received his MA in Journalism from the University of Missouri and entered the field. As a reporter for the Great Falls Tribune under the ownership and management of the Warden Family, he observed and competed with the rigid control of Montana’s press by the Anaconda Company (the Great Falls Tribune was the only large newspaper in Montana NOT owned by ACM). Following his intellectual curiosity and his philosophical bend, he attended a number of Farm-Labor Institutes which he credits with motivating him to pursue solutions to economic and social woes through the law. In 1956, at the age of 34, he received his Juris Doctorate degree from the Georgetown University Law Center in Washington, DC. Bennett’s varied career included eighteen years as a farmer, four years in the US Army during WWII (1942-46), two years as Assistant MT Attorney General (1957-59) with Forrest Anderson, three years in private practice in Glasgow (1959-61), two years as Associate Solicitor in the Department of Interior in Washington, DC (1961-62), and private law practice in Helena from 1962 to 1969. While in Helena he was an unsuccessful candidate for the Montana Supreme Court (1962) and cemented his previous relationships with Attorney General Forrest Anderson and US Senator Lee Metcalf. Bennett modestly refuses to accept the title of Campaign Manager for either Lee Metcalf (1966 re-election over the challenger, MT Republican Governor Tim Babcock) or Forrest Anderson (his 1968 election as Governor), saying that “they ran their campaigns … we were only there to help.” But he has been generally recognized as having filled that critical role in both of those critical elections. After Governor Anderson’s election in 1968, Bennett was appointed Director of the MT Unemployment Compensation Commission, a position from where he could be a close advisor and confidant of the new Governor. In 1971, Governor Anderson appointed him Judge in the most important jurisdiction in Montana, the 1st Judicial District in Helena, a position he held for seventeen years (1971-88). Upon stepping down from his judgeship, for twenty years (1988-2008) he was a law instructor, mediator and arbitrator. He currently resides in Helena with his wife, Norma Tirrell, former newspaper reporter and researcher/writer. Bennett has two adult children and four grandchildren.

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Pat Williams emerged from the Mining City of Butte, Montana with a sense of grassroots, people-oriented politics. His inherent belief in the power of ordinary citizens carried him through the Montana Legislature and into Congress for a record-setting period. The accomplishments of his long career partially obscured his innate progressive and populist instinct that is reflective of the period of “in the Crucible of Change.” This film addresses Pat’s early years when his progressive instincts and activities resulted in pushback from the giant Anaconda Company which had held Montana hostage for 75 years. Pat is joined for part of the film by former campaign staffer, and now prominent media consultant, Michael Fenenbock for reflections on Pat’s 1978 “Door-to-Door to Congress” campaign, which demonstrated the power of his belief in the people on the other side of the doors. Pat Williams (b. 1937) rose from teaching grade school in his hometown of Butte, MT, to serving for the longest number of consecutive terms (9 terms, 18 years) in the US House of Representatives of anyone in Montana history. Pat was a member of the National Guard and attended UM in Missoula and William Jewel College, graduating from the University of Denver. Pat also served in the Montana legislature for 2 terms (1966 & 1968 elections). In 1969. Pat helped his legislative seat-mate John Melcher get elected as Montana’s Eastern District Congressman in the Special Election that June. Pat went to Washington DC as Melcher’s Executive Assistant. Upon returning to Montana, Pat headed up the Montana offices of the innovative Mountain Plains Family Education Program. In 1974, Pat ran unsuccessfully for Montana’s Western District Congressional seat in a three-way race with former Congressman Arnold Olsen and state Legislator Max Baucus. After the drafting and passage of the 1972 Montana Constitution, Pat was named a member of Montana’s first-ever Reapportionment Commission. In 1978 he successfully ran for Congress, conducting a massive grass-roots door-to-door campaign of 1½ years, reaching 50,000 doors. In a hotly contested 6-way Democratic primary, Pat won going away and also handily won the general election. Pat served in Congress from January, 1979 until January of 1997, 14 years representing the Western District and 4 years representing the entire state. Upon his retirement from Congress, in 1997 Williams returned to Montana where has been an instructor at the University of Montana and Senior Fellow and Regional Policy Associate at the Center for the Rocky Mountain West. He is a former member of the Montana Board of Regents and serves on a number of national education-related boards. In Congress Pat was a Deputy Whip of the U.S. House of Representatives and sat on committees on: Budget, Natural Resources, Education and Labor, and Agriculture. Pat’s leadership helped pass trailblazing legislation to assist hard-working middle-class families and ensure opportunities for every child. Pat’s fingerprints are on many pieces of important legislation, including the College Middle Income Assistance Act, the Family and Medical Leave Act, the Toddlers and Childhood Disability Act, the Library Services and Construction Act, and the Museum Services Act. Pat successfully sponsored the Lee Metcalf Wilderness Area and the Rattlesnake Wilderness area, helped save the Bob Marshall Wilderness from oil and gas exploration, and helped ban geothermal energy drilling near the borders of Yellowstone National Park. As Chairman of The Post-Secondary Education Committee, he protected the National Endowment for the Arts from elimination, a remarkable undertaking during a very trying time for the Agency. Pat worked tirelessly with Tribal College Leaders to build Montana’s seven Tribal Colleges. He was also responsible for the legislation that created The American Conservation Corps, which became the Corporation for National Service, giving thousands of America’s young people a chance to serve their country and pursue higher education. Pat lives in Missoula with his wife Carol Griffith Williams, former Montana Senate Majority Leader. They have three children and five grandchildren.

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Semi-natural grasslands, biodiversity hotspots in Central-Europe, suffer from the cessation of traditional land-use. Amount and intensity of these changes challenge current monitoring frameworks typically based on classic indicators such as selected target species or diversity indices. Indicators based on plant functional traits provide an interesting extension since they reflect ecological strategies at individual and ecological processes at community levels. They typically show convergent responses to gradients of land-use intensity over scales and regions, are more directly related to environmental drivers than diversity components themselves and enable detecting directional changes in whole community dynamics. However, probably due to their labor- and cost intensive assessment in the field, they have been rarely applied as indicators so far. Here we suggest overcoming these limitations by calculating indicators with plant traits derived from online accessible databases. Aiming to provide a minimal trait set to monitor effects of land-use intensification on plant diversity we investigated relationships between 12 community mean traits, 2 diversity indices and 6 predictors of land-use intensity within grassland communities of 3 different regions in Germany (part of the German ‘Biodiversity Exploratory’ research network). By standardization of traits and diversity measures, use of null models and linear mixed models we confirmed (i) strong links between functional community composition and plant diversity, (ii) that traits are closely related to land-use intensity, and (iii) that functional indicators are equally, or even more sensitive to land-use intensity than traditional diversity indices. The deduced trait set consisted of 5 traits, i.e., specific leaf area (SLA), leaf dry matter content (LDMC), seed release height, leaf distribution, and onset of flowering. These database derived traits enable the early detection of changes in community structure indicative for future diversity loss. As an addition to current monitoring measures they allow to better link environmental drivers to processes controlling community dynamics.

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Fifty head of crossbred steers started grazing 51 acres of pasture on May 1 in a rotational grazing system using a variable density paddock system. Twenty-two head grazed 92 days, 27 grazed 140 days, and one steer died. A total of 11,922 pounds was produced on 5,804 animal-days of grazing. The average daily gain was 2.02 pounds for group 1 and 2.07 for group 2. The stocking rate for the first 92 days was .98 steers per acre and .53 for the final 48 days. The animal days of grazing per acre was 113 and the pounds of gain per acre was 233. Total return for land, labor and management for the demonstration was $2,829.76 or $55.49/acre.

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Financial, economic, and biological data collected from cow-calf producers who participated in the Illinois and Iowa Standardized Performance Analysis (SPA) programs were used in this study. Data used were collected for the 1996 through 1999 calendar years, with each herd within year representing one observation. This resulted in a final database of 225 observations (117 from Iowa and 108 from Illinois) from commercial herds with a range in size from 20 to 373 cows. Two analyses were conducted, one utilizing financial cost of production data, the other economic cost of production data. Each observation was analyzed as the difference from the mean for that given year. The independent variable utilized in both the financial and economic models as an indicator of profit was return to unpaid labor and management per cow (RLM). Used as dependent variables were the five factors that make up total annual cow cost: feed cost, operating cost, depreciation cost, capital charge, and hired labor, all on an annual cost per cow basis. In the economic analysis, family labor was also included. Production factors evaluated as dependent variables in both models were calf weight, calf price, cull weight, cull price, weaning percentage, and calving distribution. Herd size and investment were also analyzed. All financial factors analyzed were significantly correlated to RLM (P < .10) except cull weight, and cull price. All economic factors analyzed were significantly correlated to RLM (P < .10) except calf weight, cull weight and cull price. Results of the financial prediction equation indicate that there are eight measurements capable of explaining over 82 percent of the farm-to-farm variation in RLM. Feed cost is the overriding factor driving RLM in both the financial and economic stepwise regression analyses. In both analyses over 50 percent of the herd-to-herd variation in RLM could be explained by feed cost. Financial feed cost is correlated (P < .001) to operating cost, depreciation cost, and investment. Economic feed cost is correlated (P < .001) with investment and operating cost, as well as capital charge. Operating cost, depreciation, and capital charge were all negatively correlated (P < .10) to herd size, and positively correlated (P < .01) to feed cost in both analyses. Operating costs were positively correlated with capital charge and investment (P < .01) in both analyses. In the financial regression model, depreciation cost was the second critical factor explaining almost 9 percent of the herd-to-herd variation in RLM followed by operating cost (5 percent). Calf weight had a greater impact than calf price on RLM in both the financial and economic regression models. Calf weight was the fourth indicator of RLM in the financial model and was similar in magnitude to operating cost. Investment was not a significant variable in either regression model; however, it was highly correlated to a number of the significant cost variables including feed cost, depreciation cost, and operating cost (P < .001, financial; P < .10, economic). Cost factors were far more influential in driving RLM than production, reproduction, or producer controlled marketing factors. Of these cost factors, feed cost had by far the largest impact. As producers focus attention on factors that affect the profitability of the operation, feed cost is the most critical control point because it was responsible for over 50 percent of the herd-to-herd variation in profit.

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A 13-year summary of the Iowa State University Extension Service’s Beef Cow Business Record (BCBR) was compiled to show the trends in cost, profit, and production for beef-cow enterprises in Iowa. During these 13 years, 966 yearly records were summarized on herds with an average size of 74.6 cows. Each year-end summary sorts the producers with profits in the top and the bottom thirds of the group so that differences can be analyzed. The average cost to maintain a beef cow from 1982 to 1994 was $370.80. Cost components included in this average total were: feed and pasture, $177.10; operating, $45.40; depreciation, taxes, and insurance, $19.70; labor, $44.90; and capital, $83.70. Producers sorted into the top one-third profit group had 13-year average total cow costs of $309.80, but the bottom onethird profit group averaged $437.10. Economic returns per cow for these same 13 years were: return to capital, labor, and management, $139.50; return to labor and management, $56.20; and net profit, $20.20. Top-profit producers had an average net profit of $126.20 per cow, whereas the least profitable group had an average loss of $107.40. Of this $233.60 difference, $127.30 was due to production cost, and the remaining $106.30 was caused by gross return differences. The average number of pounds of beef produced per cow from 1984 through 1994 was 567. This production was achieved with 2.5 acres of pasture, 3.9 acres of cornstalk grazing, and 4,675 pounds of stored feed per cow unit. Top-profit producers used 673 pounds of stored feed per hundredweight of production, but the least profitable producers used 1,015 pounds. Top-profit producers produced 74 pounds more per cow while using 1,313 pounds less stored feed.