915 resultados para Free trade agreements


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Mexico's double transition—democratisation and internationalisation—offers a good case study to analyse the interaction between internationalisation processes and domestic developments during transitions to democracy. This article explains how the specific way in which Mexico linked with North America worked as a causal mechanism during the country's democratisation. In the end, an inadequate project of internationalisation—spearheaded by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)—failed to fulfill its democratising potential.

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The philosopher and novelist Ayn Rand (1905–1982) is an icon of American culture. That culture misunderstands her, however. It perceives her solely as a pure market conservative. In the first forty years of her life, Rand's individualism was intellectual and served as a defense for the free trade of ideas. It originated in the Russian Revolution. In 1926, when Rand left the Soviet Union, she developed her individualism into an American philosophy. Her ideas of the individual in society belonged to a debate where intellectuals intended to abolish the State and free man and woman from its intellectual snares. To present Rand as a freethinker allows me to examine her anticommunism as a reaction against Leninism and to consider the relation of her ideas to Marxism. This approach stresses that Rand, as Marx, opposed the State and argued for the historical importance of a capitalist revolution. For Rand the latter, however, depended on an entrepreneurial class that rejected Protestantism as ideology – which she contended threatened its interests because Christianity had lost its historical significance. This exposes the nature of Rand's intellectual individualism in American society, where the majority on the entire political spectrum still identified with the teachings of Christ. It also reveals the dynamics of her anticommunism. From 1926 to 1943, Rand remodeled American individualism and as she did so, she determined her opposition first to the New Deal liberals and second business conservatives. To these ends, Marxism and Protestantism served Rand's individualism and made her an American icon of the twentieth century.

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This dissertation consists of three theoretical essays on immigration, international trade and political economy. The first two essays analyze the political economy of immigration in developed countries. The third essay explores new ground on the effects of labor liberalization in developing countries. Trade economists have witnessed remarkable methodological developments in mathematical and game theoretical models during the last seventy years. This dissertation benefits from these advances to analyze economic issues related to immigration. The first essay applies a long run general equilibrium trade model similar to Krugman (1980), and blends it with the median voter ala-Mayer (1984) framework. The second essay uses a short run general equilibrium specific factor trade model similar to Jones (1975) and incorporates it with the median voter model similar to Benhabib (1997). The third essay employs a five stage game theoretical approach similar to Vogel (2007) and solves it by the method of backward induction. The first essay shows that labor liberalization is more likely to come about in societies that have more taste for varieties, and that workers and capital owners could share the same positive stance toward labor liberalization. In a dynamic model, it demonstrates that the median voter is willing to accept fewer immigrants in the first period in order to preserve her domestic political influence in the second period threatened by the naturalization of these immigrants. The second essay shows that the liberalization of labor depends on the host country's stock and distribution of capital, and the number of groups of skilled workers within each country. I demonstrate that the more types of goods both countries produce, the more liberal the host country is toward immigration. The third essay proposes a theory of free movement of goods and labor between two economies with imperfect labor contracts. The heart of my analysis lies in the determinants of talent development where individuals' decisions to emigrate are related to the fixed costs of emigration. Finally, free trade and labor affect income via an indirect effect on individuals' incentives to invest in the skill levels and a direct effect on the prices of goods.

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Despite its founding by Hugo Chávez on the heels of the failed Free Trade Area for the Americas (FTAA) negotiations which took place November 2003, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA, as it is known for its Spanish acronym) has evolved into a political tool that uses “social power” to facilitate Venezuela‟s positioning as the leader of the anti-U.S. agenda in the region. Fostering political favors and goodwill through the financing of social development projects, ALBA has created a political environment whereby countries on the take and their respective leaders seem deterred from taking public opposing viewpoints to Chávez. To that end, it has provided billions in economic aid to several nations in Latin American and the Caribbean, winning their favor and support for its policies. To date, ALBA counts on eight member nations. Besides Venezuela, it includes Antigua and Barbuda, Bolivia, Cuba, Dominica, Ecuador, Nicaragua, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. It also has several observer nations, among them, Grenada, Haiti, Paraguay, Uruguay, and a non-Latin American country, Syria. Throughout its recent history Venezuela has used its oil wealth to pursue political capital. Under the Chávez government it is doing so as part of a strategic effort countering the U.S. Following Cuba‟s demise in the region as the anti-American socialist camp leader, Chávez is attempting to step into Cuba‟s shoes, picking up where Cuba left off over a decade ago and has used the ALBA as a mechanism to help promote his foreign policy. Relying on its own resources, not those of the Soviet Union as Cuba once did, Venezuela has already shown its influence in the international arena, challenging U.S. positions at the Organization of American States (OAS), the United Nations, and even in matters having little if nothing to do with the region, such as Iran‟s nuclear proliferation. Taking advantage of Venezuela‟s oil prices bonanza, Chávez has been spreading economic aid throughout the region, funding several development projects. From stepping in to buy Bolivia‟s soy beans when the U.S. ceased doing so, to helping finance and construct an airport in Dominica, Venezuela‟s ALBA has provided assistance to many states in the region. As in the past, Venezuela has invested significantly both in time and money in the Caribbean, providing development assistance and oil at a discount to Haiti, St. Kitts and Nevis, and the Dominican Republic, although the latter two are neither member nor observer states of ALBA. The aid Chávez has been spreading around may be coming at a cost. It seems it has begun to cause cracks within the CARICOM community, where ALBA already counts on six of its 15 members, leading experts and leaders in the region to question traditional alliances to each other and the U.S. Yet, ALBA‟s ability to influence through aid is dependent on the Venezuelan economy. Its success hinges on continued Venezuelan oil sales at stable prices and the ability of Chávez to remain in power.

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Ornamental plant production in the State of Florida is an anomaly with respect to current theories of globalization and particularly their explanation of the employment of low-wage, immigrant labor. Those theories dictate that unskilled jobs that do not need to be performed within highly developed countries are outsourced to where labor is cheaper and more flexible. However, the State of Florida remains an important site of ornamental plant production in the US amidst a global economic environment of outsourcing and transnational corporate expansion. This dissertation relies on 50 semi-structured interviews with insiders of the Florida plant nursery industry, focus groups, and participant observation to explain how US trade, labor, and migration policy-making at local levels are not removed from larger global processes taking place in the world since the 1970s. In Florida, elite market players of the plant nursery industry have been able to resist global trends in free trade, operating instead in a protected market. They have done this by appealing to scientific justifications and through arbitrary implementations of neoliberal ideology that keeps small and middle range business alive, while maintaining a seemingly endless supply of marginalized and exploited low-wage, immigrant workers.^

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In the latest phase of globalization, transnational corporations based in the U.S. have worked closely with U.S. foreign policymakers to secure favorable foreign direct investment provisions within U.S. domestic legislation and within U.S. trade agreements. These interactions between transnational firms and the U.S. state have provided many of the preconditions for an expansion of foreign direct investment connected to capital liberalization and the growth of global supply chains from the 1980s to the present. This relationship is best conceptualized as representing a “transnational interest bloc,” whose policy objectives are incorporated within investment provisions in US-backed trade and investment agreements.

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La cuestión rural constituye uno de los grandes desafíos para la institucionalidad en Colombia. La discusión respecto a la eficiencia y eficacia institucional para el sector rural debe adelantarse fundamentada en aspectos coyunturales que a su vez median en la dinámica social, política, cultural, ambiental, económica y productiva en el agro colombiano, entre los cuales se incluyen los tratados comerciales y un eventual posconflicto. La nueva ruralidad, como enfoque para el desarrollo rural, plantea una visión distinta en torno a la temática: concibe lo rural como un espacio multisectorial y multidimensional, lo cual constituye el punto de partida desde el cual surgen los elementos de análisis que permiten adelantar un debate institucional amplio y participativo de cara a la transformación estructural de la realidad rural.

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La cuestión rural constituye uno de los grandes desafíos para la institucionalidad en Colombia. La discusión respecto a la eficiencia y eficacia institucional para el sector rural debe adelantarse fundamentada en aspectos coyunturales que a su vez median en la dinámica social, política, cultural, ambiental, económica y productiva en el agro colombiano, entre los cuales se incluyen los tratados comerciales y un eventual posconflicto. La nueva ruralidad, como enfoque para el desarrollo rural, plantea una visión distinta en torno a la temática: concibe lo rural como un espacio multisectorial y multidimensional, lo cual constituye el punto de partida desde el cual surgen los elementos de análisis que permiten adelantar un debate institucional amplio y participativo de cara a la transformación estructural de la realidad rural.

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La cuestión rural constituye uno de los grandes desafíos para la institucionalidad en Colombia. La discusión respecto a la eficiencia y eficacia institucional para el sector rural debe adelantarse fundamentada en aspectos coyunturales que a su vez median en la dinámica social, política, cultural, ambiental, económica y productiva en el agro colombiano, entre los cuales se incluyen los tratados comerciales y un eventual posconflicto. La nueva ruralidad, como enfoque para el desarrollo rural, plantea una visión distinta en torno a la temática: concibe lo rural como un espacio multisectorial y multidimensional, lo cual constituye el punto de partida desde el cual surgen los elementos de análisis que permiten adelantar un debate institucional amplio y participativo de cara a la transformación estructural de la realidad rural.

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Based on an original and comprehensive database of all feature fiction films produced in Mercosur between 2004 and 2012, the paper analyses whether the Mercosur film industry has evolved towards an integrated and culturally more diverse market. It provides a summary of policy opportunities in terms of integration and diversity, emphasizing the limiter role played by regional policies. It then shows that although the Mercosur film industry remains rather disintegrated, it tends to become more integrated and culturally more diverse. From a methodological point of view, the combination of Social Network Analysis and the Stirling Model opens up interesting research tracks to analyse creative industries in terms of their market integration and their cultural diversity.

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The first major governmental review of the national, colonial, and international copyright regime. The commentary explores the background to the Royal Commission and in particular the efforts of the Association for the Protection of the Rights of Authors in lobbying for law reform. The commentary also explores the extent to which debates about free trade and monopoly commended the attention of the Commissioners and provided a challenge to the dominant conception of copyright - that is, copyright as a property right. The Report affirmed that copyright should continue to be regarded as a property right, and acknowledged the need for reform and consolidating legislation. Beyond that, however, the Commissioners were in considerable disagreement as to copyright's purpose and proper scope, with few of the Report's major recommendations receiving the unanimous support of the same.

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Faced with a WTO in a state of paralysis, large developed trading nations have shifted their attentions to other fora to pursue their trade policy objectives. In particular, preferential trade agreements (PTAs) are now being used to promote the regulatory disciplines that were previously rejected by developing countries at the multilateral level. These so-called ‘deep’ or ‘21st century’ PTAs address a variety of issues, from technical norms, procurement, investment protection and intellectual property rights to social and environmental protection. Moreover, recently, developed countries have sought to negotiate PTAs which are large in scale, both in terms of economic size and geographical reach, including the so-called ‘mega-regional’ PTAs, such as the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, the EU-Japan PTA, the Transpacific Partnership, and the China-backed Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. These mega-regional PTAs are distinctive not just in terms of their sheer size and the breadth and depth of issues addressed, but also because some of their proponents readily admit that one of the central aims pursued by such agreements is to design global rules on new trade issues. In other words, these agreements are being conceived as alternatives to multilateral rule making at the WTO level. The proliferation of 21st century trade deals raises important questions concerning the continued relevance of the WTO as a global rule-making venue, and the impact that the regulatory disciplines promoted in such agreements will have on both developing and developed countries. This paper discusses the emerging features of an international trading system that is increasingly populated by large-scale PTAs and discusses some of the points of tension that arise from such practice. Firstly, it examines instances of horizontal tension resulting from the proliferation of PTAs, particularly the extent to which such PTAs represent a threat or multilateral trade governance. Secondly, it looks at an example of vertical tension by examining the manner in which the imposition of regulatory disciplines through trade agreements can undermine the ability of countries, especially developing countries, to pursue legitimate public interest objectives. Finally, the paper considers a number of steps that could be considered to address some of the adverse effects associated with the fragmentation of the international trading system, including the option of embracing variable geometry within the WTO framework and the need to develop mechanisms that provide flexibility for developing countries in the implementation of regulatory disciplines.

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Este estilo de desarrollo del país no ha generado encadenamientos productivos y recurre constantemente, a políticas implementadas en la promoción de las exportaciones, liberalización y apertura comercial, drásticos ajustes en las funciones del Estado y la atracción de inversión extranjera (tanto directa como financiera). Objetivos que se materializan en la negociación de tratados de libre comercio al estilo del Tratado de Libre Comercio entre Centroamérica y Estados Unidos. En él se sientan las bases institucionales para la flexibilización del accionar del capital global, la profundización del proceso de apropiación de los factores de producción (básicamente, los recursos y servicios naturales, y la fuerza de trabajo) e incorporar nuevos negocios en sectores que, precisamente, suponen las mejores posibilidades de incrementar la acumulación de capital, siendo éstos, hoy, los recursos energéticos y hídricos. Abstract This style of development of the country has not generated productive linkages and it constantly appeals, to politicians implemented in the promotion of the exports, liberalization and opening commercial, drastic adjustments in the functions of the State and the attraction of foreign investment (so much direct as financial). Objectives that are materialized in the negotiation of treaties of free trade to the style of the Treaty of Free Trade between Central America and United States. In him they feel the institutional bases for the flexibility of working of the global capital, the to make deeper of the process of appropriation of the production factors (basically, the resources and natural services, and the work force) and to incorporate new business in sectors that, in fact, they suppose the best possibilities to increase the capital accumulation, being these, today, the energy and hydric resources.

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This thesis deals with the insertion of family farmers market that act as market traders in the city of Chapecó, state of Santa Catarina. In order to trust, reciprocity and relations of time and space dynamics present in the practice of open-air market is analyzed. From understanding the outdoor market as an extension of the activities of farms, a form of local construction market, we need new ways to evaluate the inclusion of family farming in trade. In this regard, the importance of local markets characterized by autonomy in the food hegemonic system. To this end, it uses what the peculiarities present in the practice of street fairs, its historical development, the number of farmers who act as market participants, the number of traders in the city and its surroundings, the diversity of products offered, the marketing channel access by traders and market relations farmers who act as market participants. Finally, based on the responses of suppliers and content analysis, it was possible to show how present in the social dynamics of free trade: the trusted face to face representations, reciprocity and relations of time and space between the co-present agents in the market dynamics of family farmers fair. For the study context, these representations show how important non-economic values that help build identities that relate to the strategies of social reproduction and overcoming dominant market model.

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El artículo se basa en los resultados del estudio exploratorio sobre Tecnologias de la Información de Comunicación (TIC) y las decisiones gerenciales en Pequeñas Y Medianas Empresas (PYMES), debido a los bajos factores de permanencia de estas empresas en el mercado como son: la aplicación ineficiente de modelos de comunicación interna y externa, el poco empleo de las TIC implementadas en las mismas, el uso inadecuado de paquetes informáticos y la subutilización de los servicios adicionales que prestan los operadores de internet; Además se logro determinar que al tener poca preparación administrativa el manejo del comportamiento organizacional es inoperante, todo lo anterior repercute en las decisiones gerenciales. Por lo cual, se desarrollo un análisis sobre aspectos gerenciales débiles, especialmente el flujo de la información y el empleo de las TIC, a través de una investigación cualitativa exploratoria que presenta como resultados una serie de posibles gestiones correctas a implementar y estrategias a diseñar para afrontar los Tratados de Libre Comercio (TLC) vigentes en Colombia. Por último, se presentan las ventajas de una eficiente comunicación por medio de medidas operativas e informáticas, mostrando algunas herramientas de gestión que se deben adoptar para mejorar productividad.