943 resultados para Democratic Freedoms
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Independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) are increasingly attracting academic and societal attention, as they represent the institutional cornerstone of the regulatory state and play a key role in policy-making. Besides the expected benefits in terms of credibility and efficiency, these regulators are said to bring about a 'democratic deficit', following their statutory separation from democratic institutions. Consequently, a 'multi-pronged system of control' is required. This article focuses on a specific component of this system, that is, the media. The goal is to determine whether media coverage of IRAs meets the necessary prerequisites to be considered a potential 'accountability forum' for regulators. The results of a comparison of two contrasted cases - the British and Swiss competition commissions - mostly support the expectations, because they show that media coverage of IRAs corresponds to that of the most relevant policy issues and follows the regulatory cycle. Furthermore, a systematic bias in media coverage can be excluded.
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Peer-reviewed
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The mass media are assigned an important role in political campaigns on popular votes. This article asks how the press communicates political issues to citizens during referendum campaigns, and whether some minimal criteria for successful public deliberation are met. The press coverage of all 24 ballot votes on welfare state issues from 1995 to 2004 in Switzerland is examined, distinguishing seven criteria to judge how news coverage compares to idealized notions of the media's role in the democratic process: coverage intensity, time for public deliberation, balance in media coverage, source independence and inclusiveness, substantive coverage, and spatial homogeneity. The results of our quantitative analysis suggest that the press does fulfil these normative requirements to a reasonable extent and that fears about biased or deceitful media treatment of ballot issues are not well-founded. However, some potential for optimizing the coverage of referendum campaigns by the Swiss press does exist
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This article first provides a selective overview of the literature on bureaucratic autonomy and identifies different approaches to this topic. The second section discusses three major sets of open questions, which will be tackled in the contributions to this special issue: the subjective, dynamic and relational nature of autonomy; the complex linkages between tasks, organizational forms, and national path dependencies on the one hand and autonomy and performance on the other hand; and the interplay between autonomy, accountability and democratic legitimacy.
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Since independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) became key actors in European regulatory governance in the 1990s, a significant share of policy-making has been carried out by organizations that are neither democratically elected nor directly accountable to elected politicians. In this context, public communication plays an important role. On the one hand, regulatory agencies might try to use communication to raise their accountability and thereby to mitigate their democratic deficit. On the other hand, communication may be used with the intent to steer the behavior of the regulated industry when more coercive regulatory means are unfeasible or undesirable. However, empirical research focusing directly on how regulators communicate is virtually non-existent. To fill this gap, this paper examines the public communication of IRAs in four countries (the United Kingdom, Germany, Ireland, and Switzerland) and three sectors (financial services, telecommunications, and broadcasting). The empirical analysis, based on qualitative interviews and a quantitative content analysis, indicates that the organization of the communication function follows a national pattern approach while a policy sector approach is helpful for understanding the use of communication as a soft tool of regulation.
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While equal political representation of all citizens is a fundamental democratic goal, it is hampered empirically in a multitude of ways. This study examines how the societal level of economic inequality affects the representation of relatively poor citizens by parties and governments. Using CSES survey data for citizens' policy preferences and expert placements of political parties, empirical evidence is found that in economically more unequal societies, the party system represents the preferences of relatively poor citizens worse than in more equal societies. This moderating effect of economic equality is also found for policy congruence between citizens and governments, albeit slightly less clear-cut.
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This paper presents the first results of the INTERNORM pilot project funded by the University of Lausanne (2010 - 2014) to support the involvement of civil society organisations (CSO) in two ISO technical committees (TC), the ISO TC 228 on "tourism and related services" and the ISO TC 229 on "nanotechnologies". It analyses how a distinct participatory mechanism can influence the institutional environment of technical diplomacy in which standards are shaped. The project is an attempt to respond to the democratic deficit attested in the field of international standardisation, formally open to civil society participation, but still largely dominated by expert knowledge and market players. Many international standards have direct implications on society as a whole, but CSOs (consumers and environmental associations, trade unions) are largely under-represented in negotiation arenas. The paper draws upon international relations literature on new institutional forms in global governance and studies of participation in science and technology to address three questions: to which extent do CSOs identify participation in standardisation as worth of their mobilisation? How is the pluralisation of knowledge and expertise supporting CSO position during the deliberation? To which extent can CSO access and influence standardisation beyond their consultative role? It argues that there are significant limitations to the rise of civil society participation in such global governance mechanisms. Despite high entry costs into technical diplomacy, participation is not so much a matter of upstream engagement, or of procedure and resources only, than of opportunistic CSOs mobilization, of distinct thematic incentives and concrete outcomes to be expected in standardisation arenas or in the broader use of international standards.
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La relación entre historia, patrimonio y territorio, en unos espacios culturales de clara relevancia durante la Guerra Civil y la Segunda Guerra Mundial, permite reflexionar sobre algunas políticas públicas de memoria desarrolladas a raíz de la confluencia que se ha dado entre el Programa Memorial Democràtic impulsado por la Generalitat de Catalunya, la acción decidida de algunos ayuntamientos comprometidos en preservar la memoria histórica, el mundo académico representado por la Universidad y el asociacionismo civil.
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La aprobación en junio de 2008 por el Parlamento Europeo de la Directiva de retorno —denominada también Directiva de la infamia o Directiva de expulsión— consolida el proceso de involución que sobre los derechos humanos se viene produciendo en la Unión Europea desde que el miedo a la inmigración irregular se incardinó en sus instituciones. Si bien las legislaciones de extranjería de los años ochenta contenían normas que regulaban el internamiento y la expulsión no es hasta la Directiva 2001/40/CE que comienza a tomar forma una política comunitaria centrada en la inmigración irregular y las expulsiones de migrantes. Las medidas de retorno son, dice la Comisión europea, “una piedra angular de la política de migración de la UE”. Desde entonces, la barbarie de los centros de retención e internamiento, el socavamiento de los derechos y la exclusión y criminalización de los migrantes extranjeros se han convertido en el caballo de batalla de las asociaciones defensoras de los derechos humanos. La erosión que las legislaciones y medidas de expulsión están provocado en los derechos y libertades y en las instituciones del Estado de derecho es inmensa. El retroceso y la erosión en los derechos y libertades es tan grande que ya no es posible continuar hablando sin más de Estados de derecho en la UE, sino más bien de máquinas administrativas para el internamiento y la expulsión, de “Estados expulsores”(1), donde las personas extranjeras son tratadas como semipersonas (2) e incluso como“no-personas” (3).
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Valtion rajat ylittävät terveyspalvelut Euroopan unionissa sekä Euroopan unionin säädösten merkitys ja vaikutus erityisesti lääkejakeluun ja verenluovuttajille jaettavaan tiedotusaineistoon Valtion rajat ylittävä terveydenhuolto on suuren kiinnostuksen kohteena Euroopan unionissa. Resurssien hyödyntäminen parhaalla mahdollisella tavalla ja tiedon keskittäminen ovat tarpeen terveydenhuollon kustannusten alati noustessa. Terveydenhuoltopalvelut kuuluvat Euroopan sisämarkkinoiden vapaan liikkuvuuden piiriin. Euroopan unionilla ei ole kuitenkaan toimivaltaa säädellä terveydenhuoltojärjestelmiä, vaan sen mahdollisuudet ovat enimmäkseen kansanterveyden edistämisessä ja suojelussa, myös muilla toimialueilla kuin terveydenhuollossa. Tutkimuksen tavoitteena oli tutkia Euroopan unionin säädösten vaikutusta terveydenhuoltosektoriin, erityisesti valtion rajat ylittäviin terveydenhuoltopalveluihin. Erityiskohteena olivat lääkemääräyksen toimittaminen toisen Euroopan unionin jäsenmaan apteekista, resepti-lääkkeiden maahantuonti omaan henkilökohtaiseen käyttöön, sähköisen lääkemääräyksen käyttö kansallisesti ja mahdollisuudet sen käyttöön eri jäsenmaiden välillä, online-apteekkien soveltuvuus Euroopan unionin sisämarkkinoille sekä verenluovuttajille jaettavan tiedotusaineiston yhtenäistämistarve Euroopan unionin alueella. Tutkimuksen osa-alueiden aineisto koottiin vuosina 1999–2003, jolloin Euroopan unioniin kuului 15 jäsenmaata. Apteekit toimittivat useimmiten myös ei-kansalliset, toisessa Euroopan unionin jäsenmaassa annetut lääkemääräykset. Kaikki jäsenmaat rajoittivat lääkemääräyksen vaativien lääkkeiden maahantuontia. Rajoituksia oli maahantuontimäärissä ja -tavoissa. Lisäksi sairasvakuutuskorvausten saaminen ulkomailla lunastetuista reseptilääkkeistä oli hankalaa. Sähköiset lääkemääräykset olivat käytössä vain kahdessa maassa, mutta useissa maissa suunniteltiin niiden kokeilua. Standardit ja käyttöjärjestelmät olivat erilaisia eri maissa. Euroopan unionin alueelle on perustettu online-apteekkeja, joiden toiminta on kuitenkin vaatimatonta. Verenluovuttajille annettava tiedotusaineisto ei missään maassa täyttänyt veridirektiivin vaatimuksia. Tutkimuksen tulokset osoittivat kansallisten käytäntöjen eroavaisuuksien rajoittavan valtion rajat ylittäviä terveydenhuoltopalveluita. Vaikka Euroopan unionin tavoitteena ei ole yhtenäistää terveydenhuoltojärjestelmiä, on tarpeen arvioida uudelleen unionin ja jäsenmaiden välistä työnjakoa. Kansalliset terveydenhuoltojärjestelmät eivät ole erillään Euroopan sisämarkkinoista, jotka merkittävästi vaikuttavat terveydenhuoltoon.
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During a study of the helminth fauna of 1,643 rodents trapped along the Mekong River (Thailand, LaoPeople"s Democratic Republic and Cambodia) in 2008-2011, the spirurid nematode Physaloptera ngoci Le-Van-Hoa,1961 was recovered with an overall prevalence of 2.8%. Based on the original description, it was identified in nine of 23 different Murinae host species and is here reported for the first time from these three countries. A scanning electron microscopy study provides additional morphological data.
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[spa] La mayoría de estudios sobre el Estado del Bienestar, hasta el momento, se han centrado en países democráticos y ricos. Sin embargo, los países pobres y no democráticos han recibido mucha menos atención. Este artículo aporta nueva evidencia empírica sobre la evolución del gasto social en España y Portugal entre 1950 y 1980. A partir de ésta se ha podido analizar la relación entre dictaduras y redistribución, ya que ambos países sufrieron gobiernos no democráticos durante la mayor parte del periodo. Además del gasto social público y su clasificación por funciones, en este artículo se analiza también la forma de financiación de dicho gasto social.
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[spa] La mayoría de estudios sobre el Estado del Bienestar, hasta el momento, se han centrado en países democráticos y ricos. Sin embargo, los países pobres y no democráticos han recibido mucha menos atención. Este artículo aporta nueva evidencia empírica sobre la evolución del gasto social en España y Portugal entre 1950 y 1980. A partir de ésta se ha podido analizar la relación entre dictaduras y redistribución, ya que ambos países sufrieron gobiernos no democráticos durante la mayor parte del periodo. Además del gasto social público y su clasificación por funciones, en este artículo se analiza también la forma de financiación de dicho gasto social.