951 resultados para Americas


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In recent weeks, Rosneft, a Russian state-owned oil company, has signed co-operation agreements with three Western corporations: America’s ExxonMobil, Italy’s Eni, and Norway’s Statoil. In exchange for access to Russian oil fields on the continental shelf as minority shareholders, these Western investors will finance and carry out exploration there. They will also offer to Rosnieft technology transfer, staff exchange and the purchase of shares in their assets outside Russia (for example in the North Sea or in South America). Rosneft’s deals with Western energy companies prove that the Russian government is resuming the policy of a controlled opening-up of the Russian energy sectors to foreign investors which it initiated in 2006. So far, investors have been given access to the Russian electric energy sector and some onshore gas fields. The agreements which have been signed so far also allow them to work on the Russian continental shelf. This process is being closely supervised by the Russian government, which has enabled the Kremlin to maintain full control of this sector. The primary goal of this policy is to attract modern technologies and capital to Russia and to gain access to foreign assets since this will help Russian corporations to reinforce their positions in international markets. The signing of the above agreements does not guarantee that production will commence. These are a high-risk projects. It remains uncertain whether crude can be extracted from those fields and whether its development will be cost-effective. According to estimates, the Russian Arctic shelf holds approximately 113 billion tonnes of hydrocarbons. The development of these fields, including building any necessary infrastructure, may consume over US$500 billion within 30 years. Furthermore, the legal regulations currently in force in Russia do not guarantee that foreign investors will have a share in the output from these fields. Without foreign support, Russian companies are unlikely to cope with such technologically complicated and extremely expensive investments. In the most optimistic scenario, the oil production in the Russian Arctic may commence in fifteen to twenty years at the earliest.

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Since the end of the 1980s, international relations has experienced a resurgence of regionalism in Europe (Single Market, Maastricht) and the Americas (NAFTA, MERCOSUR). Why did regional economic cooperation gain mo­ mentum? Theoretical approaches have proved the relevance of institutions, intergovernmental bargains, and na­ tional interest formation for the emergence of cooperation, but fall short in explaining why new cooperative moves happened in the late 1980s and early 1990s and not earlier. This paper argues that the simultaneous con­vergence of interests favoring regional organization of states was stimulated by transnational globalization. Since the early 1980s, states had to adapt to the pressures from transnational globalization, from actors and systems which are not shaped by national territories and interests, and which undermined traditional national economic policy and domestic coalitions. Under the new circumstances, joint regional governance on specific policy areas became an attractive option to respond to new constraints. With the conceptualization of transnational globalization as an explanatory factor for regional cooperation this paper does not dismiss other approaches, but rather attempts to complement the research agenda by shedding light on a crucial-but often neglected-aspect of international relations.

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This paper argues that the Obama Administration’s Asia ‘pivot’ or ‘rebalancing’ is mainly a rhetorical construct that has very little substantive effect on US security policy. In contrast to the widely held belief that a renewed emphasis on Asia would place meaningful restrictions on America’s willingness and ability to deal with European security problems there is little evidence to support this argument nor is it well-grounded conceptually. Furthermore, undue emphasis on this aspect of American policy has detracted attention from more important developments in Washington’s capacity to effectively project military power.

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Le projet de recherche-création proposé survole la québécité à travers un pan majeur de l’étude des Amériques : le territoire. L’adoption du territoire québécois, de son espace, et de sa densité – effectué à la fois sous un axe méridional (le Saint-Laurent) et septentrional (le Nord) –, s’effectue dans mon corpus acousmatique à travers l’utilisation de concepts théoriques établis par plusieurs figures québécoises et internationales. La description des sources d'inspiration du cycle d’œuvres acousmatique proposé, étant principalement issues de sphères extramusicales — la démarche de divers artistes et chercheurs québécois ayant contribué à l’émergence poétique de mon corpus tels que Pierre Perrault, René Derouin, Daniel Chartier, et Louis-Edmond Hamelin — y tient une place importante. La portion musicale est effectuée de façon analytique à l’aide de deux méthodes propres au genre électroacoustique – analyse typologique de Pierre Schaeffer, et fonctionnelle de Stéphane Roy –, qui, à travers l’œuvre de certains compositeurs de musiques électroniques internationaux permettent de souligner la pluralité des conceptions territoriales et le réseau sémantique universel sous-jacent, laissant place à une lecture plus large de cette thématique. La méthodologie proposée permet donc à la fois de cerner l’universel – modèles naturels, références psychoacoustiques –, le local – utilisation de poèmes québécois, référents animaux ou anecdotiques précis tels que des cris d’oiseaux et des prises sonores du Saint-Laurent –, et la relation dichotomique entre la nature et la culture dans mon corpus, afin qu’émerge un discours musical cohérent basé sur le territoire québécois.

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To understand why some international institutions have stronger dispute settlement mechanisms (DSMs) than others, we investigate the dispute settlement provisions of nearly 600 preferential trade agreements (PTAs), which possess several desirable case-selection features and are evoked more than is realized. We broaden the study of dispute settlement design beyond “legalization” and instead reorient theorizing around a multi-faceted conceptualization of the strength of DSMs. We posit that strong DSMs are first and foremost a rational response to features of agreements that require stronger dispute settlement, such as depth and large memberships. Multivariate empirical tests using a new data set on PTA design confirm these expectations and reveal that depth – the amount of policy change specified in an agreement – is the most powerful and consistent predictor of DSM strength, providing empirical support to a long-posited but controversial conjecture. Yet power also plays a sizeable role, since agreements among asymmetric members are more likely to have strong DSMs due to their mutual appeal, as are those involving the United States. Important regional differences also emerge, as PTAs across the Americas are designed with strong dispute settlement, as are Asian PTAs, which contradicts the conventional wisdom about Asian values and legalization. Our findings demonstrate that rationalism explains much of international institutional design, yet it can be enhanced by also incorporating power-based and regional explanations.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Bibliography: p. 167-174.

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"Including third session of the Committee on the 1950 census of the Americas."

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Vol. 5 published by Harper & Row.

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Ceased with June? 1901. Cf. Arndt.

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"Prepared for the Peace Corps by Partners of the Americas under contract no. 80-043-1023"--T.p. verso.

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The strenuous life.--Expansion and peace.-Latitude and longitude among reformers.--Fellow-feeling as a political factor.--Civil helpfulness.--Character and success.--The Eighth and Ninth commandments in politics.--The best and the good.--Promise and performance.--The American boy.--Military preparedness and unpreparedness.--Admiral Dewey.--Grant.--The two Americas.--Manhood and statehood.--Brotherhood and the heroic virtues.--National duties.--The labor question.--Christian citizenship.

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Description based on: No. 138.