963 resultados para town planning
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em Geografia - IGCE
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This dissertation deals with the period bridging the era of extreme housing shortages in Stockholm on the eve of industrialisation and the much admired programmes of housing provision that followed after the second world war, when Stockholm district Vällingby became an example for underground railway-serviced ”new towns”. It is argued that important changes were made in the housing and town planning policy in Stockholm in this period that paved the way for the successful ensuing period. Foremost among these changes was the uniquely developed practice of municipal leaseholding with the help of site leasehold rights (Erbbaurecht). The study is informed by recent developments in Foucauldian social research, which go under the heading ’governmentality’. Developments within urban planning are understood as different solutions to the problem of urban order. To a large extent, urban and housing policies changed during the period from direct interventions into the lives of inhabitants connected to a liberal understanding of housing provision, to the building of a disciplinary city, and the conduct of ’governmental’ power, building on increased activity on behalf of the local state to provide housing and the integration and co-operation of large collectives. Municipal leaseholding was a fundamental means for the implementation of this policy. When the new policies were introduced, they were limited to the outer parts of the city and administered by special administrative bodies. This administrative and spatial separation was largely upheld throughout the period, and represented as the parallel building of a ’social’ outer city, while things in the inner ’mercantile’ city proceeded more or less as before. This separation was founded in a radical difference in land holding policy: while sites in the inner city were privatised and sold at market values, land in the outer city was mostly leasehold land, distributed according to administrative – and thus politically decided – priorities. These differences were also understood and acknowledged by the inhabitants. Thorough studies of the local press and the organisational life of the southern parts of the outer city reveals that the local identity was tightly connected with the representations connected to the different land holding systems. Inhabitants in the south-western parts of the city, which in this period was still largely built on private sites, displayed a spatial understanding built on the contradictions between centre and periphery. The inhabitants living on leaseholding sites, however, showed a clear understanding of their position as members of model communities, tightly connected to the policy of the municipal administration. The organisations on leaseholding sites also displayed a deep co-operation with the administration. As the analyses of election results show, the inhabitants also seemed to have felt a greater degree of integration with the society at large, than people living in other parts of the city. The leaseholding system in Stockholm has persisted until today and has been one of the strongest in the world, although the local neo-liberal politicians are currently disposing it off.
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[ES] Los graves problemas territoriales existentes en Canarias han motivado un continuo desarrollo normativo autonómico desde los ochenta que culminó con la aprobación en 2000 de un Texto Refundido de las leyes de ordenación del territorio en el que se intentó estructurar jerárquicamente la ordenación territorial, el planeamiento urbanístico y la protección de los espacios naturales. Además de dotarse con instrumentos propios de ordenación, la presente década se ha caracterizado por la definición normativa de un modelo de desarrollo sostenible a través de la formulación de unas Directrices de ordenación. En este artículo abordamos el análisis de las características de la ordenación territorial en Canarias y del modelo de desarrollo promulgado, con el fin de manifestar su escasa capacidad de intervención al mismo tiempo que aportamos una reflexión sobre las nuevas orientaciones anti-cíclicas aprobadas recientemente y que pueden suponer el desmoronamiento de parte del modelo de desarrollo construido en la presente década.
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La ricerca si propone di definire le linee guida per la stesura di un Piano che si occupi di qualità della vita e di benessere. Il richiamo alla qualità e al benessere è positivamente innovativo, in quanto impone agli organi decisionali di sintonizzarsi con la soggettività attiva dei cittadini e, contemporaneamente, rende evidente la necessità di un approccio più ampio e trasversale al tema della città e di una più stretta relazione dei tecnici/esperti con i responsabili degli organismi politicoamministrativi. La ricerca vuole indagare i limiti dell’urbanistica moderna di fronte alla complessità di bisogni e di nuove necessità espresse dalle popolazioni urbane contemporanee. La domanda dei servizi è notevolmente cambiata rispetto a quella degli anni Sessanta, oltre che sul piano quantitativo anche e soprattutto sul piano qualitativo, a causa degli intervenuti cambiamenti sociali che hanno trasformato la città moderna non solo dal punto di vista strutturale ma anche dal punto di vista culturale: l’intermittenza della cittadinanza, per cui le città sono sempre più vissute e godute da cittadini del mondo (turisti e/o visitatori, temporaneamente presenti) e da cittadini diffusi (suburbani, provinciali, metropolitani); la radicale trasformazione della struttura familiare, per cui la famiglia-tipo costituita da una coppia con figli, solido riferimento per l’economia e la politica, è oggi minoritaria; l’irregolarità e flessibilità dei calendari, delle agende e dei ritmi di vita della popolazione attiva; la mobilità sociale, per cui gli individui hanno traiettorie di vita e pratiche quotidiane meno determinate dalle loro origini sociali di quanto avveniva nel passato; l’elevazione del livello di istruzione e quindi l’incremento della domanda di cultura; la crescita della popolazione anziana e la forte individualizzazione sociale hanno generato una domanda di città espressa dalla gente estremamente variegata ed eterogenea, frammentata e volatile, e per alcuni aspetti assolutamente nuova. Accanto a vecchie e consolidate richieste – la città efficiente, funzionale, produttiva, accessibile a tutti – sorgono nuove domande, ideali e bisogni che hanno come oggetto la bellezza, la varietà, la fruibilità, la sicurezza, la capacità di stupire e divertire, la sostenibilità, la ricerca di nuove identità, domande che esprimono il desiderio di vivere e di godere la città, di stare bene in città, domande che non possono essere più soddisfatte attraverso un’idea di welfare semplicemente basata sull’istruzione, la sanità, il sistema pensionistico e l’assistenza sociale. La città moderna ovvero l’idea moderna della città, organizzata solo sui concetti di ordine, regolarità, pulizia, uguaglianza e buon governo, è stata consegnata alla storia passata trasformandosi ora in qualcosa di assai diverso che facciamo fatica a rappresentare, a descrivere, a raccontare. La città contemporanea può essere rappresentata in molteplici modi, sia dal punto di vista urbanistico che dal punto di vista sociale: nella letteratura recente è evidente la difficoltà di definire e di racchiudere entro limiti certi l’oggetto “città” e la mancanza di un convincimento forte nell’interpretazione delle trasformazioni politiche, economiche e sociali che hanno investito la società e il mondo nel secolo scorso. La città contemporanea, al di là degli ambiti amministrativi, delle espansioni territoriali e degli assetti urbanistici, delle infrastrutture, della tecnologia, del funzionalismo e dei mercati globali, è anche luogo delle relazioni umane, rappresentazione dei rapporti tra gli individui e dello spazio urbano in cui queste relazioni si muovono. La città è sia concentrazione fisica di persone e di edifici, ma anche varietà di usi e di gruppi, densità di rapporti sociali; è il luogo in cui avvengono i processi di coesione o di esclusione sociale, luogo delle norme culturali che regolano i comportamenti, dell’identità che si esprime materialmente e simbolicamente nello spazio pubblico della vita cittadina. Per studiare la città contemporanea è necessario utilizzare un approccio nuovo, fatto di contaminazioni e saperi trasversali forniti da altre discipline, come la sociologia e le scienze umane, che pure contribuiscono a costruire l’immagine comunemente percepita della città e del territorio, del paesaggio e dell’ambiente. La rappresentazione del sociale urbano varia in base all’idea di cosa è, in un dato momento storico e in un dato contesto, una situazione di benessere delle persone. L’urbanistica moderna mirava al massimo benessere del singolo e della collettività e a modellarsi sulle “effettive necessità delle persone”: nei vecchi manuali di urbanistica compare come appendice al piano regolatore il “Piano dei servizi”, che comprende i servizi distribuiti sul territorio circostante, una sorta di “piano regolatore sociale”, per evitare quartieri separati per fasce di popolazione o per classi. Nella città contemporanea la globalizzazione, le nuove forme di marginalizzazione e di esclusione, l’avvento della cosiddetta “new economy”, la ridefinizione della base produttiva e del mercato del lavoro urbani sono espressione di una complessità sociale che può essere definita sulla base delle transazioni e gli scambi simbolici piuttosto che sui processi di industrializzazione e di modernizzazione verso cui era orientata la città storica, definita moderna. Tutto ciò costituisce quel complesso di questioni che attualmente viene definito “nuovo welfare”, in contrapposizione a quello essenzialmente basato sull’istruzione, sulla sanità, sul sistema pensionistico e sull’assistenza sociale. La ricerca ha quindi analizzato gli strumenti tradizionali della pianificazione e programmazione territoriale, nella loro dimensione operativa e istituzionale: la destinazione principale di tali strumenti consiste nella classificazione e nella sistemazione dei servizi e dei contenitori urbanistici. E’ chiaro, tuttavia, che per poter rispondere alla molteplice complessità di domande, bisogni e desideri espressi dalla società contemporanea le dotazioni effettive per “fare città” devono necessariamente superare i concetti di “standard” e di “zonizzazione”, che risultano essere troppo rigidi e quindi incapaci di adattarsi all’evoluzione di una domanda crescente di qualità e di servizi e allo stesso tempo inadeguati nella gestione del rapporto tra lo spazio domestico e lo spazio collettivo. In questo senso è rilevante il rapporto tra le tipologie abitative e la morfologia urbana e quindi anche l’ambiente intorno alla casa, che stabilisce il rapporto “dalla casa alla città”, perché è in questa dualità che si definisce il rapporto tra spazi privati e spazi pubblici e si contestualizzano i temi della strada, dei negozi, dei luoghi di incontro, degli accessi. Dopo la convergenza dalla scala urbana alla scala edilizia si passa quindi dalla scala edilizia a quella urbana, dal momento che il criterio del benessere attraversa le diverse scale dello spazio abitabile. Non solo, nei sistemi territoriali in cui si è raggiunto un benessere diffuso ed un alto livello di sviluppo economico è emersa la consapevolezza che il concetto stesso di benessere sia non più legato esclusivamente alla capacità di reddito collettiva e/o individuale: oggi la qualità della vita si misura in termini di qualità ambientale e sociale. Ecco dunque la necessità di uno strumento di conoscenza della città contemporanea, da allegare al Piano, in cui vengano definiti i criteri da osservare nella progettazione dello spazio urbano al fine di determinare la qualità e il benessere dell’ambiente costruito, inteso come benessere generalizzato, nel suo significato di “qualità dello star bene”. E’ evidente che per raggiungere tale livello di qualità e benessere è necessario provvedere al soddisfacimento da una parte degli aspetti macroscopici del funzionamento sociale e del tenore di vita attraverso gli indicatori di reddito, occupazione, povertà, criminalità, abitazione, istruzione, etc.; dall’altra dei bisogni primari, elementari e di base, e di quelli secondari, culturali e quindi mutevoli, trapassando dal welfare state allo star bene o well being personale, alla wellness in senso olistico, tutte espressioni di un desiderio di bellezza mentale e fisica e di un nuovo rapporto del corpo con l’ambiente, quindi manifestazione concreta di un’esigenza di ben-essere individuale e collettivo. Ed è questa esigenza, nuova e difficile, che crea la diffusa sensazione dell’inizio di una nuova stagione urbana, molto più di quanto facciano pensare le stesse modifiche fisiche della città.
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La questione energetica ha assunto, negli ultimi anni, un ruolo centrale nel dibattito mondiale in relazione a quattro fattori principali: la non riproducibilità delle risorse naturali, l’aumento esponenziale dei consumi, gli interessi economici e la salvaguardia dell'equilibrio ambientale e climatico del nostro Pianeta. E’ necessario, dunque, cambiare il modello di produzione e consumo dell’energia soprattutto nelle città, dove si ha la massima concentrazione dei consumi energetici. Per queste ragioni, il ricorso alle Fonti Energetiche Rinnovabili (FER) si configura ormai come una misura necessaria, opportuna ed urgente anche nella pianificazione urbanistica. Per migliorare la prestazione energetica complessiva del sistema città bisogna implementare politiche di governo delle trasformazioni che escano da una logica operativa “edificio-centrica” e ricomprendano, oltre al singolo manufatto, le aggregazioni di manufatti e le loro relazioni/ interazioni in termini di input e output materico-energetiche. La sostituzione generalizzata del patrimonio edilizio esistente con nuovi edifici iper-tecnologici, è improponibile. In che modo quindi, è possibile ridefinire la normativa e la prassi urbanistica per generare tessuti edilizi energeticamente efficienti? La presente ricerca propone l’integrazione tra la nascente pianificazione energetica del territorio e le più consolidate norme urbanistiche, nella generazione di tessuti urbani “energy saving” che aggiungano alle prestazioni energetico-ambientali dei singoli manufatti quelle del contesto, in un bilancio energetico complessivo. Questo studio, dopo aver descritto e confrontato le principali FER oggi disponibili, suggerisce una metodologia per una valutazione preliminare del mix di tecnologie e di FER più adatto per ciascun sito configurato come “distretto energetico”. I risultati di tale processo forniscono gli elementi basilari per predisporre le azioni necessarie all’integrazione della materia energetica nei Piani Urbanistici attraverso l’applicazione dei principi della perequazione nella definizione di requisiti prestazionali alla scala insediativa, indispensabili per un corretto passaggio alla progettazione degli “oggetti” e dei “sistemi” urbani.
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La historiografía ha presentado tradicionalmente la planificación urbana como una técnica progresista que, nacida en el contexto de los reformismos del siglo XIX, tiene por objeto principal la mejora de la calidad de vida a través del tratamiento del espacio urbano y la ordenación del territorio. Sin embargo un estudio detallado de la articulación histórica entre planificación urbana, economía política de la producción de espacio y dinámicas de evolución y cambio de las formaciones sociales revela un escenario muy distinto. Este trabajo sintetiza los planteamientos de la tesis Urbanismo y reproducción social. La planificación territorial de la multitud. A través de una serie de estudios de caso, esta investigación presentó la planificación urbana y territorial como un dispositivo gubernamental encargado de regular espacialmente la reproducción social de las clases subalternas en beneficio de los bloques hegemónicos. Prestando especial atención al efecto de la planificación sobre la vida cotidiana y a través de una historiografía social reflexiva y crítica, se muestra cómo la multitud fue paulatinamente desposeída de recursos materiales, capitales sociales y representaciones colectivas a medida que sus prácticas cotidianas fueron reescritas, recodificadas, reterritorializadas. Historians have traditionally pictured town planning as a progressive technique. Born in the context of nineteenth-century reformist policies, its aim would have been to improve the quality of life through the regulation of urban development and the urban fabric. However a close study of the relationship between town planning, the politics of space and the dynamics of evolution and change of social formations reveals a very different scenario. This work summarizes the main findings of the PhD thesis Urbanism and social reproduction. The territorial planning of the multitude. Through a series of historical case studies, this research showed how town and regional planning evolved to become a governmental dispositif in charge of the spatial regulation of social reproduction. Paying special attention to the effect of planning over everyday life and subaltern classes, and deploying a critical, reflexive social historiography, the thesis described how the multitude was dispossessed of material resources, social capitals and collective imaginaries as its practices were spatially re-written, re-coded, re-territorialised.
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Este sondeo reúne los resultados de un cuestionario realizado a una serie de académicos y profesionales de referencia en disciplinas relacionadas con la ciudad y el gobierno de sus procesos — planificación urbana, geografía, sociología y antropología. El cuestionario incluía cuatro preguntas sencillas y directas. ¿Cuáles son los principales conflictos de la ciudad contemporánea? ¿Cuáles son los campos de acción clave para resolverlos? ¿De qué modo puede contribuir su disciplina a dicho empeño? ¿Podría mencionar algún ejemplo relevante de ese tipo de iniciativas? El resultado es un mosaico plural y multidisciplinar de miradas a nuestras formaciones urbanas del que emergen una serie de líneas generales de trabajo y un abanico de campos para futuras intervenciones. This survey shows the results of a questionnaire including a series of key scholars and professionals in fields related to urban processes and planning — town planning, geography, sociology and anthropology. The questionnaire raised four simple, straightforward questions. What are the most pressing conflicts of contemporary cities? What are the main fields of action for solving them? How can your discipline contribute with respect to this task? Could you mention an intervention that could serve as an example of that line of work? The result is a plural and multidisciplinary perspective on our urban formations, from which a series of research and work lines emerges.
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Recent applications of Foucauldian categories in geography, spatial history and the history of town planning have opened up interesting new perspectives, with respect to both the evolution of spatial knowledge and the genealogy of territorial techniques and their relation to larger socio-political projects, that would be enriched if combined with other discursive traditions. This article proposes to conceptualise English parliamentary enclosureea favourite episode for Marxist historiography, frequently read in a strictly materialist fashioneas a precedent of a new form of sociospatial governmentality, a political technology that inaugurates a strategic manipulation of territory for social change on the threshold between feudal and capitalist spatial rationalities. I analyse the sociospatial dimensions of parliamentary enclosure’s technical and legal innovations and compare them to the forms of communal self-regulation of land use customs and everyday regionalisations that preceded it. Through a systematic, replicable mechanism of reterritorialisation, enclosure acts normalised spatial regulations, blurred regional differences in the social organisation of agriculture and erased the modes of autonomous social reproduction linked to common land. Their exercise of dispossession of material resources, social capital and community representations is interpreted therefore as an inaugural logic that would pervade the emergent spatial rationality later known as planning.
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Tras la denominación de Real Sitio a mediados del siglo XVIII, bajo el reinado de Fernando VI, su sucesor Carlos III procedió a la incorporación a su Patrimonio de todos los Montes y Bosques de El Pardo. Comenzó entonces el proceso de planeamiento urbano y de construcción arquitectónica que finalizó en torno al año 1800. En lo sucesivo, no sólo se mantiene el curso de la conservación y consolidación de los edificios principales, sino que se realiza obra nueva de índole civil. Algunos edificios cambiaron de propiedad y de uso hasta que tras la Guerra Civil se procedió a la mayor transformación vivida por el Real Sitio. El intervalo que aquí se trata (1885 a 1965), no ha suscitado, en los estudios sobre El Pardo, atención suficiente al no acontecer obra nueva de carácter patrimonial ni ha sido objeto de análisis el trazado y la fisonomía del centro urbano residencial del pueblo que Carlos III configuró. Sin embargo se estima relevante analizar los cambios en la actividad residencial; en primer lugar porque coexiste con la arquitectura oficial y, por tanto, se entiende necesario un análisis global del conjunto y en segundo lugar porque facilita la comprensión sobre la imagen original de carácter histórico del conjunto de finales del siglo XVIII. Este marco temporal determina tres partes principales de estudio que estructuran la presente tesis, cuyas fechas establecen los intervalos históricos clave: Actuaciones sobre el núcleo urbano consolidado (1885-1931). Cese de la actividad constructiva (1931-1939). Propuestas regeneradoras y crecimiento acelerado (1939-1965). Dentro de ellos se establecen, a su vez, dos subcapítulos diferenciados con la finalidad de explicar los sucesos que pautaron los cambios trascendentales en la historia de El Pardo. En el estudio del estado de la cuestión se observa que en El Pardo, al igual que sucede en otros Reales Sitios, se investigan los edificios destacados como el Palacio, la Casita del Príncipe, la Casa de Oficios y la Casa de Infantes desde el punto de vista de su historia pero no desde la arquitectura ni de cómo esta afecta al desarrollo del trazado y por tanto al contexto urbano. Se manifiestan determinadas carencias de tratamiento gráfico que facilitarían la comprensión histórica mediante el análisis de la forma y cómo esta ha ido variando sustancialmente. El concepto de escala y orientación reordena el estudio, no sólo de estos edificios protagonistas sino de los que se entretejen a su alrededor y componen el conjunto histórico, lo cual aporta nuevas conclusiones al estado de la cuestión que aquí compete. El principal objetivo de la tesis es, por tanto, contribuir a la dimensión patrimonial mediante el estudio de la arquitectura residencial del pueblo de El Pardo y en cómo esta ha ido conformando y consolidando el entramado urbano original en torno a edificios de la realeza y corte. Analizar aquellos edificios que perduran, los que fueron reconstruidos, rehabilitados, y apuntar acontecimientos históricos que formularon la actual fisonomía. Sistematizar y reordenar sobre la traza actual los edificios que desaparecieron, nos da las pistas sobre las modificaciones en concepto de escala arquitectónica y urbana. El estudio de las fuentes y establecer una metodología de conexión de estas, ayuda a detectar dónde no se han dirigido aún los focos de interés así como las lagunas que han quedado por explorar con el fin de responder a nuevas hipótesis, conceder conclusiones y abrir otras líneas de investigación. Como conclusiones generales, la tesis aporta documentación nueva sobre el objeto de estudio, no solicitada, digitalizada o publicada con anterioridad. En ella se analizan los procesos de configuración, consolidación y transformación en el Real Sitio mediante la sistematización de estados comparativos. Con respecto al estudio de los diferentes contextos natural y urbano la tesis analiza cómo los accidentes naturales, el desarrollo de infraestructuras y el impulso de la agronomía afectaron a El Pardo a partir del siglo XIX, y estudia los procesos de configuración, consolidación y transformación en el Real Sitio mediante la sistematización de la documentación encontrada de manera gráfica y escrita. En relación al marco patrimonial arquitectónico, la tesis analiza los procesos edificatorios históricos. Se estudian, a su vez, cambios de ocupación o uso que derivaron en reformas, ampliaciones, obras de nueva planta e incluso en derribos, así como los proyectos no materializados o que se llevaron a cabo de manera parcial. Con respecto al análisis del momento histórico, la tesis analiza las posibles afectaciones, políticas, sociales y económicas en las etapas de Monarquía, Segunda República, Guerra Civil y Posguerra. Por último, la tesis abre cuatro vías de investigación (que ya se han tratado y avanzado en parte pero que escapan a los límites de este trabajo) que pueden plantear nuevas hipótesis, reportando así respuestas sobre objetos de estudio complementarios y paralelos al presente. Estas refieren a análisis más concretos sobre El Palacio Real de El Pardo y la Casa de Oficios, el Camino Real de Madrid a El Pardo desde la Puerta de Hierro, los cuarteles, puertas y portilleras del Monte de El Pardo y los proyectos desarrollados por el arquitecto Diego Méndez en los Reales Sitios para el Patrimonio Nacional. ABSTRACT Following the Royal Site denomination being granted in the mid-18th Century, during the reign of Ferdinand VI, his successor Charles III proceeded to include all the Forests and Woodlands of El Pardo in his heritage. That then gave rise to the process of town planning and architectural construction that was completed around 1800. Thereafter, not only the process of conservation and consolidation of the main buildings has been maintained, but new civil engineering works have also been carried out. Some buildings changed ownership and use until, after the Civil War, the greatest transformation experienced by the Royal Site was undertaken. The time frame this paper concerns (1885 to 1965), has not attracted sufficient attention in studies of El Pardo due to there having been no new works with heritage status, nor has there been an analysis of the layout and external appearance of the residential centre in the town once conceived by Charles III. However, it is considered relevant to analyse the changes in residential activity, firstly, because it coexists with the official architecture and, thus, it is considered necessary to perform a global analysis of the complex and, secondly, because it facilitates a historical understanding of the original appearance of the complex at the end of the 18th Century. This time framework defines three main parts of the study that provide the structure of this thesis, the dates of which establish the key historical time frames: Actions in the consolidated town centre (1885-1931). Cessation of construction works (1931-1939). Proposals of regeneration and accelerated growth (1939-1965). Two distinct sub-chapters are also established within these, in order to explain the events that marked the transcendental changes in the history of El Pardo. When studying the subject matter, it is noted that in El Pardo, as is the case in other Royal Sites, outstanding buildings such as the Palace, the Prince's Cottage, the Trades House and the Infantes House are usually researched strictly from the point of view of their history, but not from an architectural perspective, nor analysing how that affects the development of the site layout and thus the urban area. Specific shortcomings are evident in the graphic treatment that would have otherwise facilitated a historical understanding through the analysis of the shape and the way it has gradually undergone substantial variation. The concept of scale and orientation reorganises the study, not only of these key buildings, but also of those that are woven around them and make up the historic complex, allowing entirely new conclusions concerning the subject matter analysed herein. Therefore, the main purpose of this thesis is to outline our heritage through the study of the residential architecture of the town of El Pardo and the analysis of the way the original town has been built up and consolidated around the buildings erected by royalty and the court; to analyse the buildings that still remain, those that were rebuilt, refurbished, and to note historic events that shaped its current appearance. To this end, a systematic classification and reorganisation on the current urban layout of the buildings that have disappeared will give us the key to understand changes in the concept of architectural and urban scale. Studying the sources and establishing a methodology to connect them will help us detect those areas where the focus of interest has not concentrated yet, and will also reveal the gaps that remain unexplored, in order to respond to new hypotheses, reach new conclusions and open up new lines of research. As general conclusions, this thesis provides new documentation on the subject matter that had not been requested, digitized or published before. There we find an analysis of the processes of configuration, consolidation and transformation of the Royal Site through a systematic classification of comparative states. With regard to the study of the multiple natural and urban environments, this thesis analyses the way natural features, development of infrastructures and agricultural driving forces affected El Pardo as of the 19th Century, and it studies the processes of configuration, consolidation and transformation of the Royal Site by systematically classifying the documentation found in graphic and written documents. In relation to the architectural heritage framework, this thesis analyses historical building processes. Likewise, a study is also performed on the changes in land occupation or use that led to reforms, extensions, new buildings and even to demolitions, as well as on unrealized projects, or even on those that were partially implemented. As for the analysis of the historical time period, this thesis assesses the potential political, social and economic effects of the Monarchy, Second Republic, Civil War and Post-War Periods. Finally, this thesis opens up four lines of investigation (that have already been discussed and partially advanced, but which fall beyond the scope of this work) that could pose new hypotheses, thus giving answer to other subject matters parallel and complementary to the one assessed herein. These refer to more specific analyses of El Palacio Real de El Pardo (Royal Palace of El Pardo) and the Casa de Oficios (Trades House), the Royal Highway from Madrid to El Pardo from Puerta de Hierro, the barracks, gates and entrances to estates in the Woodlands of El Pardo and the projects developed on the Royal Sites by the architect Diego Méndez for the National Heritage.
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Recent applications of Foucauldian categories in geography, spatial history and the history of town planning have opened up interesting new perspectives, with respect to both the evolution of spatial knowledge and the genealogy of territorial techniques and their relation to larger socio-political projects, that would be enriched if combined with other discursive traditions. This article proposes to conceptualise English parliamentary enclosureea favourite episode for Marxist historiography, frequently read in a strictly materialist fashioneas a precedent of a new form of sociospatial governmentality, a political technology that inaugurates a strategic manipulation of territory for social change on the threshold between feudal and capitalist spatial rationalities. I analyse the sociospatial dimensions of parliamentary enclosure’s technical and legal innovations and compare them to the forms of communal self-regulation of land use customs and everyday regionalisations that preceded it. Through a systematic, replicable mechanism of reterritorialisation, enclosure acts normalised spatial regulations, blurred regional differences in the social organisation of agriculture and erased the modes of autonomous social reproduction linked to common land. Their exercise of dispossession of material resources, social capital and community representations is interpreted therefore as an inaugural logic that would pervade the emergent spatial rationality later known as planning.
Resumo:
This survey presents the results of a questionnaire sent to a list of key scholars and professionals in fields related to urban processes and planning – town planning, geography, sociology, architecture and anthropology. The survey raised four simple, straightforward questions. What are the most pressing conflicts with regard to contemporary cities? What are the main fields of action for solving them? How can your discipline contribute with respect to this task? Could you mention an intervention that could serve as an example of that line of work? The response represents a plural and multidisciplinary perspective on contemporary urban issues from which a series of research and intervention perspectives emerges.
Resumo:
La revolución industrial, en todas sus etapas, supuso un cambio que afectó de lleno a la actividad comercial en la ciudad, produciéndose paulatinamente, una separación radical entre los lugares de producción de bienes manufacturados y los de intercambio. Estos últimos, van especializándose, desde las primeras agrupaciones de comercios en pequeños mercados, hasta una de las formas más evolucionadas de superficie comercial en la actualidad, los Parques Comerciales. En base a que actualmente, no hay estudios concluyentes sobre la manera de abordar estos nuevos espacios, se ha considerado el estudio de 17 Parques Comerciales representativos españoles, de este se han obtenido datos según su planeamiento, de los cuales se ha postulado una división de los Parques Comerciales en los que tienen ordenación exclusiva y los que se han desarrollado sin ordenación exclusiva, de la misma manera, se han dividido cada uno de ellos en los que se considera parcela de aparcamiento y en los que la parcela de aparcamiento está incluida en la parcela a edificar, de este manera se han obtenido unos parámetros de dimensionamiento representativos para cada uno de los casos considerados, que van a servir de orientación para el responsable de futuros planeamientos, tales como usos, parámetros de ordenación, distribución urbanística, aparcamientos, etc. También se realiza una clasificación de los Parques Comerciales en función de las dimensiones de las "medianas comerciales" que los corforman. La Tesis postula una nueva definición de Parque Comercial más completa y adaptada a la importancia de este formato comercial, así como unas recomendaciones para su diseño y desarrollo en base a los parámetros urbanísticos obtenidos. Se desarrolla en la Tesis el horizonte previsible de los Parques Comerciales y las posibles nuevas líenas de investigación. The industrial revolution, in all its stages, marked a change that would have a major impact on commercial activity in cities, gradually producing a radical separation between the production sites of manufacturated goods and those of trading goods. The latter are becoming increasingly specialized, from the first trade associations in small markets, up to what is now one of the most highly evolved forms of retail spaces, the Commercial Parks. On the grounds that there are currently no conclusive studies on the manner in which to address these new spaces, a study of 17 prominent Spanish Commercial Parks has been considered, from which data has been obtained based on the way in which they were planned. It has been proposed that these Commercial Parks be divided into those that have been developed without exclusive planning. Likewise, each of these has been divided into those considered as parking lots and those in which the parking area is included in the building plot. In this manner, representative sizing parameters have been obtained for each of the cases considered, which will act as guidelines for the person in charge of future proposals, such as uses, development parameters, town planning, parking, etc. The Commercial Parks have also been classified according to the sizes of the "mid-sized stores" that comprise them. The Thesis proposes a new definition of the Commercial Park, which is more comprehensive and better adapted to the importance of this commercial format, as well as recommendations for design and development based on the urban planning parameters obtained. The Thesis explores the foresseable horizon of Commercial Parks and potential new lines of research.
Resumo:
La tesis se centra en el análisis de 356 números de la revista El Arquitecto Peruano publicados entre 1937 y 1977. La revista fue fundada en agosto de 1937 por Fernando Belaúnde Terry, arquitecto graduado en la University of Texas at Austin en 1935 quien la dirigió por 25 años hasta marzo de 1963. Desde abril de 1963 la dirige Miguel Cruchaga Belaunde. Durante esta última etapa la revista deja de ser regular, publicándose intermitentemente con varios años sin editarse, hasta desaparecer finalmente en 1977. La revista es la publicación periódica de arquitectura más importante del siglo XX en el Perú. La investigación ubica a la revista en el contexto nacional donde se desarrolló vinculando además los diversos eventos de la arquitectura y el urbanismo del panorama internacional sucedidos durante las tres décadas de estudio. El trabajo empieza por establecer una secuencia de periodos. Esta se basa en la identificación de una estructura fija existente en la revista conformada por las secciones permanentes. Una paulatina inserción de secciones temporales fue complementando y detallando nuevas temáticas y contenidos generando variantes de la estructura fija a lo largo del tiempo. Como resultado de este proceso se reconocen 5 periodos vinculados a una serie de temas vertebrales durante la dirección de Fernando Belaunde: Periodo 1 (Agosto de 1937 a marzo de 1942). Vivienda Unifamiliar. Periodo 2 (Abril de 1942 a mayo de 1944). Urbanismo moderno. Periodo 3 (Junio de 1944 a diciembre de 1949). Vivienda Colectiva. Periodo 4 (Enero-febrero de 1950 a enero-febrero de 1956). Proyectos y obras. Periodo 5 (Marzo-abril de 1956 a enero-febrero-marzo de 1963). Territorio. Los años finales bajo la dirección de Miguel Cruchaga conforman el último Periodo. En la década de los treinta, durante el primer periodo se analiza el rol que un grupo de revistas de arquitectura europeas y norteamericanas tuvieron en la construcción formal y temática de El Arquitecto Peruano. En sus inicios existen influencias de The Architectural Forum, The American Architect, Architecture, California Arts and Architecture y Architectural Digest . Y junto a estas, las revistas alemanas Moderne Bauformen e Innen Dekoration. A raíz de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, las referencias a las revistas alemanas desaparecen y las relaciones con Estados Unidos se intensifican por la posición del Perú dentro del área de influencia norteamericana. El canal de las revistas no fue el único medio de influencia, durante los años cuarenta hubo un marco de apertura hacia Latinoamérica que incluyó viajes de cooperación de arquitectos norteamericanos por el sur del continente. Como parte de estos vínculos, en 1945 Paul Lester Wiener de Town Planning Associates y Richard Neutra, - ambos miembros del CIAM y el segundo Presidente del CIAM USA- prestaron asistencia a la iniciativa más importante promovida por la revista peruana, un proyecto de vivienda popular para obreros y empleados llamado el Plan Peruano. La revista tuvo siempre una fuerte actitud de cambio de la realidad existente en el medio peruano. Para modelar su nueva versión de la realidad instrumentó una serie de campañas de prensa. En la más importante utilizó las ideas del urbanismo moderno que circulaban durante la guerra nacidas en los CIAM de entreguerras. El Arquitecto Peruano aprovecha la coyuntura de los primeros años de la posguerra para canalizar sus iniciativas, tomando como modelo de su propuesta la idea de la Neighborhood Unit, convirtiéndolo en proyecto y finalmente construyendo la Unidad Vecinal N°3, el proyecto de mayor escala asociado con la revista. A esta perspectiva favorable para las ideas vertidas por la publicación se une el hecho de que su Director, es elegido Diputado por Lima y es un miembro muy cercano al gobierno de turno que dio la cobertura legal y de gestión para cristalizar los proyectos desde 1945 hasta 1948. Durante este periodo se producen las propuestas de mayor alcance promovidas por Fernando Belaunde y difundidas por la revista, como el propio Plan Peruano de Vivienda, los Centros Climáticos de Invierno, el Plan Piloto de Lima y los Concursos de Vivienda popular. Existe un trabajo anterior sobre la revista, restringido al campo del urbanismo realizado en 1992 por el historiador Antonio Zapata y titulado El joven Belaunde: Historia de la revista El Arquitecto Peruano en donde se inclina el peso de la revista hacia la Vivienda Social y se señala a Walter Gropius como el arquitecto más influyente en la publicación. La presente tesis plantea que el Plan Peruano es la punta del iceberg, pero que todos estos proyectos relacionados con la revista, conforman un conjunto indisoluble y que el paquete completo tiene una directa influencia de proyectos, ideas y labor editorial de José Luis Sert desarrollada desde finales de los años veinte hasta los años cincuenta. Sus libros Can Our Cities Survive? , The Heart of the City y la revista del GATEPAC AC Documentos de Actividad Contemporánea tienen improntas claras en la revista peruana que atraviesan tres de los periodos propuestos. Durante la década de los cuarenta cuando Sert junto a Wiener fueron socios en Town Plannning Associates y tuvieron contacto directo con el director de la revista así como con los principales colaboradores, y durante la década posterior. A la luz de las evidencias analizadas, la figura de José Luis Sert emerge como la del arquitecto más influyente para la revista El Arquitecto Peruano a lo largo de todo su recorrido. ABSTRACT The thesis focuses on the analysis of 356 issues of the magazine El Arquitecto Peruano published between 1937 and 1977. The magazine was founded in august 1937 by Fernando Belaunde Terry, graduated from the University of Texas at Austin in 1935 who leaded it 25 years until March 1963. Since April 1963 was leaded by Miguel Cruchaga Belaunde. During this last stage the magazine ceases to be published on regular times, being published intermittently, unreleased several years, and finally disappear in 1977. El Arquitecto Peruano is the most important magazine of architecture of the twentieth century in Peru. The research located the magazine in the national context where was developed further by linking the various events of architecture and urbanism of the international scene occurred during the three decades of study. The research begins to establish a sequence of periods. This identification is based on a fixed structure existing in the journal formed by the permanent sections. A gradual insertion of temporary sections was complementing and detailing new themes and contents generating variants of the fixed structure over time. As a result of this process we recognize five periods linked to a series of central themes developed under the lead of Fernando Belaunde: Period 1 (September 1937 to March 1942): The Small House. Period 2 (April 1942 to May 1944). Modern urbanism. Period 3 (June 1944 to December 1949). Housing. Period 4 (January-February 1950 January-February 1956). Projects and Buildings. Period 5 (March-April 1956 January-February-March 1963). Territory. The final years under the direction of Miguel Cruchaga make the last Period. In the thirties, during the first period, is analyzed the role that a group of European and American magazines in architecture had in formal construction and thematic of the magazine. In the beginning there are influences of The Architectural Forum, The American Architect, Architecture, California Arts and Architecture and Architectural Digest. And along with these, the german magazine Moderne Bauformen and Innen Dekoration. Following World War II, the references to german magazines disappear and US relations are intensified by the position of Peru in the area of US influence. The magazines was not the only ways of influence, during the forties there was an open framework with Latin America that included cooperation trips of american architects on the south of the continent. As part of these links, in 1945 Paul Lester Wiener of Town Planning Associates and Richard Neutra, -both members of CIAM and the second President of the CIAM USAassisted the most important initiative promoted by the peruvian magazine, a popular housing project for workers and employees called El Plan Peruano. The magazine always has a strong attitude of change of the reality in the peruvian scene. To model the new version of reality created a series of media campaigns. In the biggest it used the ideas of modern urbanism that circulated during the war born in the CIAM of twenties and thirties. El Arquitecto Peruano take advantage of the situation of the early postwar years to direct their initiatives, modeled his proposal with the idea of Neighborhood Unit, making project and finally building the Unidad Vecinal N° 3, the larger scale project linked with the magazine. This favorable outlook for the ideas expressed by the publication joins the fact that its Director is elected deputy for Lima and is very close member to the current government who gave legal instruments and management to crystallize projects from 1945 to 1948. During this period of far-reaching proposals promoted by Fernando Belaunde and diffused by the magazine, as El Plan Peruano itself, the Centros Climaticos de Invierno, the Plan Piloto for Lima and the Concusos de Vivienda Popular. There is an earlier work on the magazine, restricted to the field of urbanism in 1992 by historian Antonio Zapata, entitled El Joven Belaunde: Historia de la revista El Arquitecto Peruano where the weight of the magazine leans Social Housing and notes Walter Gropius as the most influential architect in the publication. This thesis suggests that El Plan Peruano is the end of the iceberg, but these related projects to the magazine, form an inseparable whole and that the whole package has a direct influence of projects, ideas and editorial work of José Luis Sert developed from late twenties to the fifties. His book Can Our Cities Survive? , The Heart of the City and the magazine of GATEPAC AC Documentos de Actividad Contemporanea have clear signs in the peruvian magazine cross three of the proposed periods. During the forties when Sert and Wiener were partners in Town Plannning Associates and had direct contact with the director of the magazine as well as with key colaborators, and during the following decade. In light of the evidence examined, the shape of José Luis Sert emerges as the most influential architect to the peruvian magazine along its entire route.