947 resultados para regional security complex


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 Guatemala is not a failed state and is unlikely to become one in the near future. Although the state currently fails to provide adequate security to its citizens or an appropriate range of effective social programs, it does supply a functioning electoral democracy, sound economic management, and a promising new antipoverty program, My Family Progresses (MIFAPRO).  Guatemala is a weak state. The principal security threats represented by expanding Mexican drug trafficking organizations (DTOs), criminal parallel powers, and urban gangs have overwhelmed the resources of the under-resourced and compromised criminal justice system. The UN-sponsored International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), however, has demonstrated that progress against organized crime is possible.  The principal obstacles to strengthening the Guatemalan state lie in the traditional economic elite’s resistance to taxation and the venal political class’ narrow focus on short-term interests. Guatemala lacks a strong, policyoriented, mass-based political party that could develop a coherent national reform program and mobilize public support around it.  The United States should strengthen the Guatemalan state by expanding the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) and by strongly supporting CICIG, MIFAPRO, and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE).

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Three key states are relevant in considering future nuclear proliferation in Latin America: Argentina, Brazil, and Venezuela. Argentina and Brazil are critical because of their relatively advanced nuclear capabilities. For historical and geopolitical reasons, neither Argentina nor Brazil is likely to reactive nuclear weapons programs. Venezuela’s President, Hugo Chávez, has repeatedly demonstrated interest in developing a nuclear program, yet Venezuela lacks any serious nuclear expertise. Even if it had the managerial and technological capacity, the lead-time to develop an indigenous nuclear program would be measured in decades. Acquisition of nuclear technology from international sources would be difficult because members of the Nuclear Suppliers Group would insist on safeguards, and potential non-Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) suppliers are highly surveilled, risking the exposure of such a program before Venezuela could put a deterrent into place. While South American states have historically opposed nuclear weapons, their acquisition by Brazil and Argentina would lead to little more than diplomatic condemnation. Brazil and Argentina are both geopolitically satisfied powers that are deeply embedded in a regional security community. On the other hand, Venezuela under President Chávez is perceived as a revisionist power seeking a transformation of the international system. Venezuelan acquisition of nuclear weapons would be met with alarm by the United States and Colombia, and it would prompt nuclear weapons development by Brazil and possibly Argentina, more for reasons of preserving regional leadership and prestige than for fear of a Venezuelan threat.

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China's Silk Road Economic Belt plan is a part of One Belt, One Road initiative that aims to create trade routes from China all the way to Europe. Despite the potential benefits, there are also problems along the way. In this research I am examining the adverse effects of one part of the Silk Road Economic Belt with my focus on Xinjiang Uyghur minority and their rights and Central Asian regional stability. Moreover, I suggest that China's past commitments in the international society as well as her actions in relations to the undertaking can give an insight into a regime where China would be the dominant power in international society. I have used qualitative analysis to study the topics. My most important methodological tools to examine the topics are as follows. I utilise conceptual analysis to borrow concepts from international relations field. I use method of situation analysis when I am describing the current circumstances in China's Xinjiang and Central Asia. Inductive analysis is the overall method since I suggest that the content I have examined could give an insight to how China regards and relates to international law in the future. Moreover, my theoretical framework of the research sees international law as a tool that a state can use to gain more power but at the same time international law restricts state's behaviour. Based on the findings of this research, in case of Xinjiang the New Silk Road is likely to worsen Uyghurs situation because of Beijing's worries and harsh actions to prevent any disturbance. However, the New Silk Road could bring stability and maintain regional security in Central Asia when the states could see it beneficial to unite for cooperation which can result with greater benefits. China's potential future regime will emphasize sovereignty and non-interference to states’ domestic matters. Moreover, there will be no room for minority rights in China's concept of human rights. Human rights are meant to protect rights of masses but are of secondary importance since development and security will be more important goals to pursue. In the field of cooperation, China is increasingly using multilateral forums to discuss the matters but reserves bilateral negotiations for executing the plans.

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How have cooperative airspace arrangements contributed to cooperation and discord in the Euro-Atlantic region? This study analyzes the role of three sets of airspace arrangements developed by Euro-Atlantic states since the end of the Cold War—(1) cooperative aerial surveillance of military activity, (2) exchange of air situational data, and (3) joint engagement of theater air and missile threats—in political-military relations among neighbors and within the region. These arrangements provide insights into the integration of Central and Eastern European states into Western security institutions, and the current discord that centers on the conflict in Ukraine and Russia’s place in regional security. The study highlights the role of airspace incidents as contributors to conflict escalation and identifies opportunities for transparency- and confidence-building measures to improve U.S./NATO-Russian relations. The study recommends strengthening the Open Skies Treaty in order to facilitate the resolution of conflicts and improve region-wide military transparency. It notes that political-military arrangements for engaging theater air and missile threats created by NATO and Russia over the last twenty years are currently postured in a way that divides the region and inhibits mutual security. In turn, the U.S.-led Regional Airspace Initiatives that facilitated the exchange of air situational data between NATO and then-NATO-aspirants such as Poland and the Baltic states, offer a useful precedent for improving air sovereignty and promoting information sharing to reduce the fear of war among participating states. Thus, projects like NATO’s Air Situational Data Exchange and the NATO-Russia Council Cooperative Airspace Initiative—if extended to the exchange of data about military aircraft—have the potential to buttress deterrence and contribute to conflict prevention. The study concludes that documenting the evolution of airspace arrangements since the end of the Cold War contributes to understanding of the conflicting narratives put forward by Russia, the West, and the states “in-between” with respect to reasons for the current state of regional security. The long-term project of developing a zone of stable peace in the Euro-Atlantic must begin with the difficult task of building inclusive security institutions to accommodate the concerns of all regional actors.

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Con el inicio del periodo Post-Guerra Fría el Sistema Internacional comienza a experimentar un incremento en el fortalecimiento de su componente social; la Sociedad de Estados alcanza un mayor nivel de homogenización, el estado, unidad predominante de esta, comienzan atravesar una serie de transformaciones que obedecerán a una serie de cambios y continuidades respecto al periodo anterior. Desde la perspectiva del Realismo Subalterno de las Relaciones Internacionales se destacan el proceso de construcción de estado e inserción al sistema como las variables que determinan el sentimiento de inseguridad experimentado por las elites estatales del Tercer Mundo; procesos que en el contexto de un nuevo y turbulento periodo en el sistema, tomara algunas características particulares que darán un sentido especifico al sentimiento de inseguridad y las acciones a través de las cuales las elites buscan disminuirlo. La dimensión externa del sentimiento de inseguridad, el nuevo papel que toma la resistencia popular como factor determinante del sentimiento de inseguridad y de la cooperación, así como del conflicto, entre los miembros de la Sociedad Internacional, la inserción como promotor de estrategias de construcción de Estado, son alguno de los temas puntuales, que desde la perspectiva subalterna, parecen salir a flote tras el análisis del sistema en lo que se ha considerado como el periodo Post-Guerra Fría. En este sentido Yemen, se muestra como un caso adecuado no solo para poner a prueba las postulados de la teoría subalterna, veinte años después de su obra más prominente (The third world security Predicament), escrita por M. Ayoob, sino como un caso pertinente que permite acercarse más a la comprensión del papel del Tercer Mundo al interior de la Sociedad Internacional de Estados.

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Este estudio de caso se realiza con el objetivo de analizar cómo la cooperación entre Colombia y África occidental en la lucha contra el tráfico de drogas repercute en la imagen del Estado colombiano como referente en esfuerzos antinarcóticos desde la periferia. En consecuencia, se busca conocer la forma en la cual los acuerdos bilaterales interinstitucionales, la participación en foros y la creación de una agenda internacional de lucha contra las drogas para un escenario nacional transformado, configuran la imagen del Estado colombiano. Para tal objetivo, el trabajo se desarrollará a través de los conceptos de identidad de Alexander Wendt, periferia de Mohammed Ayoob y Cooperación Sur-Sur de la Organización de Naciones Unidas y la Agencia Presidencial de Cooperación Internacional de Colombia.

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Single session repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation (rTMS) of the motor cortex (M1) is effective in the treatment of chronic pain patients but the analgesic effect of repeated sessions is still unknown We evaluated the effects of rTMS in patients with refractory pain due to complex regional pain syndrome (CRPS) type I Twenty three patients presenting CRPS type I of 1 upper limb were treated with the best medical treatment (analgesics and adjuvant medications physical therapy) plus 10 daily sessions of either real (r) or sham (s) 10Hz rTMS to the motor cortex (M1) Patients were assessed daily and after 1 week and 3 months after the last session using the Visual Analogical Scale (VAS) the McGill Pain Questionnaire (MPQ) the Health Survey 36 (SF 36) and the Hamilton Depression (HDRS) During treatment there was a significant reduction in the VAS scores favoring the r rTMS group mean reduction of 4 65 cm (50 9%) against 2 18 cm (24 7%) in the s rTMS group The highest reduction occurred at the tenth session and correlated to improvement in the affective and emotional subscores of the MPQ and SF 36 Real rTMS to the M1 produced analgesic effects and positive changes in affective aspects of pain in CRPS patients during the period of stimulation Perspective This study shows an efficacy of repetitive sessions of high frequency rTMS as an add on therapy to refractory CAPS type I patients It had a positive effect in different aspects of pain (sensory discriminative and emotional affective) It opens the perspective for the clinical use of this technique (C) 2010 by the American Pain Society

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In addition to pain and neurovegetative symptoms, patients with severe forms of complex regional pain syndrome (CRPS) develop a broad range of symptoms, including sensory disturbances, motor impairment and dystonic posturing. While most patients respond to medical therapy, some are considered refractory and become surgical candidates. To date, the most commonly used surgical procedure for CRPS has been spinal cord stimulation. This therapy often leads to important analgesic effects, but no sensory or motor improvements. We report on 2 patients with pain related to CRPS and severe functional deficits treated with motor cortex stimulation (MCS) who not only had significant analgesic effects, but also improvements in sensory and motor symptoms. In the long term (27 and 36 months after surgery), visual analog scale pain scores were improved by 60-70% as compared to baseline. There was also a significant increase in the range of motion in the joints of the affected limbs and an improvement in allodynia, hyperpathia and hypoesthesia. Positron emission tomography scan in both subjects revealed that MCS influenced regions involved in the circuitry of pain. Copyright (C) 2011 S. Karger AG, Basel

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The complex regional pain syndrome (CRPS) is a rare but debilitating pain disorder that mostly occurs after injuries to the upper limb. A number of studies indicated altered brain function in CRPS, whereas possible influences on brain structure remain poorly investigated. We acquired structural magnetic resonance imaging data from CRPS type I patients and applied voxel-by-voxel statistics to compare white and gray matter brain segments of CRPS patients with matched controls. Patients and controls were statistically compared in two different ways: First, we applied a 2-sample ttest to compare whole brain white and gray matter structure between patients and controls. Second, we aimed to assess structural alterations specifically of the primary somatosensory (S1) and motor cortex (M1) contralateral to the CRPS affected side. To this end, MRI scans of patients with left-sided CRPS (and matched controls) were horizontally flipped before preprocessing and region-of-interest-based group comparison. The unpaired ttest of the "non-flipped" data revealed that CRPS patients presented increased gray matter density in the dorsomedial prefrontal cortex. The same test applied to the "flipped" data showed further increases in gray matter density, not in the S1, but in the M1 contralateral to the CRPS-affected limb which were inversely related to decreased white matter density of the internal capsule within the ipsilateral brain hemisphere. The gray-white matter interaction between motor cortex and internal capsule suggests compensatory mechanisms within the central motor system possibly due to motor dysfunction. Altered gray matter structure in dorsomedial prefrontal cortex may occur in response to emotional processes such as pain-related suffering or elevated analgesic top-down control.

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OBJECTIVE: To emphasize that complex regional pain syndrome (CRPS), a disabling disorder with the implication of aberrant inflammation, vasomotor dysfunction, and maladaptive neuroplasticity, might be treated with a high dose of intravenous immunoglobulin infusions (IVIG). METHODS: We describe a patient who presented with CRPS in the acute phase of the disease. RESULTS: The CRPS developed secondary to sciatic compression in a young patient and was treated within 10 days by high-dose IVIG (2 g/kg). It resolved completely within days after infusions. DISCUSSION: This observational study emphasizes that high-dose IVIG may be a treatment option in the acute phase of CRPS.

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Avhandlingen undersöker den Afrikanska Unionens freds- och säkerhetsråd och dess roll i framhävandet och upprätthållandet av fred, säkerhet och stabilitet i Afrika. Detta freds- och säkerhetsråd etablerades formellt 2004 och opererar under den Afrikanska Unionen (AU) som å sin sida upprättades 2002. Den Afrikanska Unionens freds- och säkerhetsråds roll i framhävandet av fred, säkerhet och stabilitet gör rådet till en hörnsten inom ramen för konfliktförebyggande och -hantering, samt konfliktlösning på den afrikanska kontinenten. Den Afrikanska Unionens freds- och säkerhetsråd spelar också en högst viktig roll i implementeringen av ansvaret att beskydda civilbefolkningen i konfliktsituationer. För uppfyllandet av sitt mandat att framhäva och upprätthålla fred, säkerhet och stabilitet i Afrika krävs det att freds- och säkerhetsrådet samarbetar med andra institutioner och mekanismer som handhar internationella och regionala freds- och säkerhetsärenden. Avhandlingen analyserar tre dimensioner av denna typ av relationer som freds- och säkerhetsrådet bör etablera med dessa organ och mekanismer för att kunna utföra sitt mandat effektivt. Först analyseras relationen mellan Afrikanska Unionens freds- och säkerhetsråd och Förenta Nationernas säkerhetsråd som också beskrivs i artikel 17 (1) i protokollet som förde till etablerandet av AU:s freds- och säkerhetsråd. Analysen understryker FN:s säkerhetsråd som det organ som bär det primära ansvaret i förhållande till fred och säkerhet, medan AU:s freds- och säkerhetsråd fungerar som en kompletterande komponent i sin roll som ett regionalt organ. Avhandlingen fortsätter med att analysera förhållandet mellan AU:s freds- och säkerhetsråd och andra organ inom AU, samt andra relevanta institutioner som framgår av artikel 10, 18 (1), 19 och 20 i protokollet för rådets etablerande. Avhandlingen diskuterar i detalj hur samarbetet mellan AU:s freds- och säkerhetsråd och dessa institutioner och organ kunde förstärkas till fördel för effektivt framhävande och upprätthållande av fred och säkerhet i Afrika. Slutligen analyserar avhandlingen samarbetet mellan AU:s freds- och säkerhetsråd och sub-regionala mekanismer etablerade under regionala ekonomiska gemenskaper som beskrivs i artikel 16 i protokollet för etablerandet av rådet. Avhandlingen diskuterar i detalj rollen för de sub-regionala mekanismerna i den afrikanska freds- och säkerhetsarkitekturen. Avhandlingen diskuterar vidare förhållandet mellan de sub-regionala mekanismerna och den afrikanska stand-by styrkan ASF och förutsättningarna för detta arrangemang att bemöta afrikanska konflikter. Avhandlingen fokuserar också på en harmoniserings- och samarbetsprocess i förhållande till de sub-regionala mekanismerna, de regionala ekonomiska gemenskaperna och den Afrikanska Unionens freds- och säkerhetsråd. Kort sagt beskriver avhandlingen hur förhållandet mellan AU:s freds- och säkerhetsråd och de ovan nämnda organ och mekanismer har en faktisk och potentiell möjlighet att effektivt bidra till fred, säkerhet och stabilitet i Afrika. Avhandlingen identifierar utmaningarna kring att göra detta till ett fungerande förhållande samtidigt som den genererar både generella och specifika rekommendationer om hur dessa utmaningar bäst kan bemötas. Några av dessa utmaningar utgörs av följande aspekter: konflikten mellan AU:s och FN:s reglemang i bemötandet av freds- och säkerhetsutmaningar; de olika metoderna i FN och AU vid implementeringen av principen av universell jurisdiktion; konflikten mellan de olika mandaten som AU:s freds- och säkerhetsråd och FN:s säkerhetsråd har i förhållande till implementeringen av principen om intervention; och konflikten mellan lagarna och metoderna i förhållande till AU:s freds- och säkerhetsråd och de regionala mekanismerna. En av de huvudsakliga rekommendationerna i avhandlingen i bemötandet av de ovan nämnda utmaningarna är att harmonisera de olika systemen för att försäkra att det föreligger ett samordnat bemötande av konflikter i Afrika. Efter att ha identifierat luckorna i AU:s freds- och säkerhetsprotokoll med speciell fokus på förhållandet mellan rådet och de relevanta organen och mekanismerna rekommenderar avhandlingen ett antal tillägg och modifieringar till instrumentet ifråga för att effektivera, stärka och upprätthålla detta förhållande. Avhandlingen föreslår att dessa tillägg och modifieringar skulle företas under 2014 då detta år markerar 10 år efter att AU:s freds- och säkerhetsråd etablerades. Idén bakom detta företagandet ligger i att 10 år torde vara en tillfredställande tidsperiod för att mäta hur freds- och säkerhetsrådet har fungerat och hur dess förhållande med de relevanta institutionerna och mekanismerna kunde förbättras. Avhandlingen representerar den bredaste och nyaste studien inom ramen för artikel 16, 17, 18, 19 och 20 i protokollet för AU:s freds- och säkerhetsråd och introducerar ett innovativt bemötande av utmaningar till fred, säkerhet och stabilitet på den afrikanska kontinenten. Avhandlingen bidrar till teorin och praxisen i AU:s freds- och säkerhetsråd vilket kan vara av intresse för både forskare och praktiker i folkrätt såväl som i internationella freds- och säkerhetsstudier, speciellt i Afrika.

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Sympathetic ganglion block (SGB) or intravenous regional block (IVRB) has been recommended for pain management in patients with complex regional pain syndrome type I (CRPS-I). Forty-five patients were initially selected but only 43 were accepted for the study. The present study evaluated the efficacy of IVRB produced by combining 70 mg lidocaine with 30 µg clonidine (14 patients, 1 male/13 females, age range: 27-50 years) versus SGB produced by the injection of 70 mg lidocaine alone (14 patients, 1 male/13 females, age range: 27-54 years) or combined with 30 µg clonidine (15 patients, 1 male/14 females, age range: 25-50 years) into the stellate ganglion for pain management in patients with upper extremity CRPS-I. Each procedure was repeated five times at 7-day intervals, and pain intensity and duration were measured using a visual analog scale immediately before each procedure. A progressive and significant reduction in pain scores and a significant increase in the duration of analgesia were observed in all groups following the first three blocks, but no further improvement was obtained following the last two blocks. Drowsiness, the most frequent side effect, and dry mouth occurred only in patients submitted to SGB with lidocaine combined with clonidine. The three methods were similar regarding changes in pain intensity and duration of analgesia. However, IVRB seems to be preferable to SGB due to its easier execution and lower risk of undesirable effects.