867 resultados para political power


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this paper is about EU “soft policies” on immigrant integration. It analyzes the “Common Basic Principles” (CBPs) and the “European Integration Fund” (EIF), two devices that have been recently established within this framework. It adopts the theoretical perspective of the “anthropology of policy” and “governmentality studies”. It shows the context of birth of the aforementioned devices, as well as their functioning and the assessment done by the actors implied in the elaboration/implementation/evaluation of the related policies. It is based both on documentary research as well as direct observation and interviews done to the actors implied. It concludes that the PBC and the EIF should be considered as a “technology of government”, that strives to align the conduct of the actors with the governmental aims, as well as it produces specific practices and knowledge. It also underlines an intrinsic feature of many policies: their “congenital failure”, since they are (often) disputed and resignified by situated actors, who are embedded in asymmetrical power relations.

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Does the World Trade Organization function to reinforce American dominance (or hegemony) of the world economy? We examine this question via an analysis of trade disputes involving the United States. This allows us to assess whether the US does better than other countries in this judicialised forum: and in so doing enhance the competitive prospects of their firms. The results are equivocal. The United States does best in the early phases of a dispute, where political power is important. It does less well as the process develops.

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Research on women’s political representation in post-socialist Europe has highlighted the role of cultural and political factors in obstructing women’s access to legislative power, such as the prevalence of traditional gender stereotypes, electoral systems, and the absence of a feminist movement. Yet the role of women political elites in enhancing or hindering women’s access to political power in the region has so far remained uncharted. This article seeks to fill some of the existing gaps in this literature by examining the views of women politicians with regard to women’s political underrepresentation and their assessments of strategies for redressing this imbalance. Findings from the analysis reveal that although women politicians recognize gender inequalities in representation as a problem requiring intervention, how the problem is perceived, and the preferred measures to deal with it, is largely shaped by the social and cultural context in which these actors are embedded.

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A recent issue of EuroChoices (7:1) was devoted to a discussion of comparative US-EU rural development policies. This article discusses the concept of growth coalitions, well developed in urban literature but less so in rural literature. Some light is shed on the different positions of rural and environmental issues in EU and US policies. The agricultural lobby is the dominant actor in agricultural growth coalitions because it perceives land in terms of its exchange value. Environmental and rural development actors perceive land in terms of its use value and its contributions to quality of life: they form a rural development coalition, seeing the need to balance growth with quality of life, but they have less political power than the agricultural growth coalition. In the European context, rural and environmental agendas are linked to a multi-functional agricultural agenda allowing common ground between these two coalitions and greater visibility in the policy arena. In the US, rural interests and environmental groups are more often in opposition to agriculture. This reduces their political visibility and clout. The challenge is how to link the power of the agricultural growth coalitions with rural development coalitions to achieve a broader balance of concerns and a more effective rural development policy.

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This article considers cows and dairying as the basis a17of value system in early societies, particularly in Ireland. Only in a very few instances is it possible to demonstrate that such systems existed. When it does, it can be shown that cows and dairying were imbedded in the social or religious institutions of these cultures. Cattle had a value and meaning much greater than their economic worth in terms of food, hides, tallow etc. Such a systems, however, does not allow economic development as dairy produce does not easily lend itself to the production, and accumulation, of significant surplus nor is dairy produce particularly suitable for economic expansion based on trade. Its perishable nature militates against both roles. In order to develop political power that is based on economic power and wealth it is necessary to change the emphasis from livestock to cereal production.

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The capacity to provide satisfactory nursing care is being increasingly compromised by current trajectories of healthcare funding and governance. The purpose of this paper is to examine how well Marxist theories of the state and its relationship with capital can explain these trajectories in this period of ever-increasing austerity. Following a brief history of the current crisis, it examines empirically the effects of the crisis, and of the current trajectory of capitalism in general, upon the funding and organization of the UK and US healthcare systems. The deleterious effect of growing income inequalities to the health of the population are also addressed. Marx’s writings on the state and its relation to the capitalist class were fragmentary, and historically and geographically specific. From them, we can extract three theoretical variants: the instrumentalist theory of the state, where the state has no autonomy from capital; the abdication theory, whereby capital abstains from direct political power and relies on the state to serve its interests; and the class-balance theory of the state, whereby the struggle between two opposed classes allows the state to assert itself. Discussion of modern Marxist interpretations include Poulantzas’s structuralist abdication theory and Miliband’s instrumentalist theory. It is concluded that, despite the pluralism of electoral democracies, the bourgeoisie do have an overweening influence upon the state. The bourgeoisie’s ownership of the means of production provides the foundation for its influence because the state is obliged to rely on it to manage the supply of goods and services and the creation of wealth. That power is further reinforced by the infiltration of the bourgeoisie into the organs of state. The level of influence has accelerated rapidly over recent decades. One of the consequences of this has been that healthcare systems have become rich pickings for the evermore confident bourgeoisie.

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This chapter attempts to provide a critical analysis of special needs education within the United Kingdom today. Central to such an analysis is an understanding of the rapidly changing social and political milieu within which special needs education is embedded, including the rapidly changing demographics of schooling, and the devolution of political power into four separate but linked countries - England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. Following a discussion of such wider social, political and educational issues, the authors thoroughly explore the convergences and divergences in policy and practice across the four devolved administrations. They describe a plethora of contemporary texts within each of the four administrations that speak to the need for special needs education to change in response to 21st century concerns about the problems of access to, and equity in education for all children. Despite this, they explain why they remain circumspect about the potential of such developments to lead to successful inclusive practices and developments on the ground. Their analysis in the last section centres on the issue of teacher education for inclusion and some very innovative UK research and development projects that have been reported to successfully engage teachers with new paradigm thinking and practice in the field of inclusive special needs education.

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Social identity in Northern Ireland is multifaceted, with historical, religious, political, social, economic, and psychological underpinnings. Understanding the factors that influence the strength of identity with the Protestant or Catholic community, the two predominate social groups in Northern Ireland, has implications for individual well-being as well as for the continuation of tension and violence in this setting of protracted intergroup conflict. This study examined predictors of the strength of in-group identity in 692 women (mean age 37 years) in post-accord Northern Ireland. For Catholics, strength of in-group identity was positively linked to past negative impact of sectarian conflict and more frequent current church attendance, whereas for Protestants, strength of in-group identity was related to greater status satisfaction regarding access to jobs, standard of living, and political power compared with Catholics; that is, those who felt less relative deprivation. The discussion considers the differences in the factors underlying stronger identity for Protestants and Catholics in this context. 

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This paper examines the relationship between concepts of MNE bargaining power and broader concepts of political power. It notes that the analysis of MNE bargaining power presents a number of puzzles from the perspective of political theory. These puzzles arise, in part, from the fact that the overlap between traditional concepts of MNE bargaining power and broader concepts of political power is only a partial one. Despite these problems, it is suggested that political- theory-based approaches can add realism to our understanding of bargaining power.

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The recent European economic crisis has dramatically exposed the failures of
the various institutional mechanisms in place to maintain economic stability
in Europe, and has unveiled the difficulty in achieving international coordination
on fiscal and financial stability policies. Drawing on the European
experience, this article analyzes the concept of economic stability in international
law and highlights the peculiar problems connected to its maintenance
or promotion. First, we demonstrate that policies that safeguard and
protect economic stability are largely regulated and managed at the national
level, due to their inextricable relationship with the exercise of national political
power. Until recently, more limited levels of pan-European integration
did not make the coordination of economic stability policies seem necessary.
However, a much deeper level of economic integration makes it very difficult
to tackle an international economic crisis through national responses. If EU
Member states wish to maintain and deepen economic integration, they
must accept an erosion of sovereignty over their economic stability policies.
This will not only deprive states of a fundamental anchor of political power,
but also create a challenge for the maintenance of democratic control over
economic policies. Second, this article argues that soft law approaches are
likely ineffective in enforcing the regulatory disciplines required to ensure
economic stability.

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Num planeta finito, a impossibilidade de um crescimento contínuo e a necessidade de preservar os seus recursos naturais e ambientais, tendo em vista assegurar opções de qualidade de vida e bem-estar das gerações futuras, fez emergir e estruturar o conceito de Desenvolvimento Sustentável. Perante os múltiplos desafios que o futuro coloca, a educação constitui-se como uma via para alcançar um desenvolvimento mais harmonioso das relações entre os seres humanos e entre estes e a natureza, indispensável à humanidade na persecução dos seus legítimos anseios de paz, liberdade e justiça social. A importância atribuída à educação no sentido de uma adequada perceção da situação do planeta levou as Nações Unidas a proclamarem, no início deste século (dezembro de 2002), a Década da Educação para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável (2005-2014): um desafio internacional lançado aos países para que recorram à educação como ferramenta essencial na promoção de Desenvolvimento Sustentável. A vida nas sociedades contemporâneas é, como nunca antes, influenciada por desenvolvimentos científicos e tecnológicos e dependente dos respetivos progressos. Assim, a Educação Científica assume um papel fundamental na compreensão das problemáticas que enfrentamos e na consciencialização da responsabilidade do ser humano na situação planetária atual, devendo promover o desenvolvimento de cidadanias proativas, fundamentadas e responsáveis, no sentido da mudança, numa perspetiva crítica global que garanta a sustentabilidade do planeta. Estas finalidades são alvo de reflexão por parte de diversas instâncias da sociedade – nas quais se incluem organismos como a UNESCO, comunidades nacionais e internacionais de investigação em Educação Científica, e o poder político – e espelham-se em propostas de reforma e de revisão curricular em diversos países. Ora, sem ser exclusiva, a educação formal nos primeiros anos de escolaridade tem um papel fundamental, por ter caráter obrigatório na maioria dos países. Paralelamente existe um crescente reconhecimento a nível internacional em torno da importância de se iniciar precocemente a Educação Científica com vista a alcançar esses propósitos. Resultados alcançados em diversas investigações evidenciam que a Educação Científica nos primeiros anos de escolaridade tem impacte positivo relevante no desenvolvimento de literacia científica e no desenvolvimento de atitudes positivas face à Ciência e a aprendizagens de Ciências. A presente investigação pretende ser um contributo para a Década da Educação para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável no Primeiro Ciclo do Ensino Básico. O percurso de investigação, de natureza qualitativa, foi desenvolvido em três fases distintas mas articuladas entre si: a fase I integrou processos interpretativos de investigação documental e teve como principais objetivos o estabelecimento do quadro teórico de suporte à problemática de Educação para Desenvolvimento Sustentável e a caraterização de perspetivas de Educação Científica decorrentes de política educativa em Portugal; na fase II caraterizou-se a importância atribuída por professores do Primeiro Ciclo do Ensino Básico à Educação Científica e respetiva componente experimental, bem como as suas conceções acerca de Literacia Científica, orientações Ciência-Tecnologia-Sociedade no ensino das Ciências, Desenvolvimento Sustentável e o modo como dizem articular as referidas conceções com as suas práticas de sala de aula; na fase III apresentou-se um Programa de Ciências, concebido segundo os referenciais atrás definidos e avaliado por um painel de peritos, para Educação para Desenvolvimento Sustentável, “A Terra e os seres vivos: conhecer para valorizar e proteger”, para implementação em cada um dos quatro anos de escolaridade do Primeiro Ciclo do Ensino Básico. O presente estudo assume-se como um contributo para a inovação na Educação Científica no Primeiro Ciclo do Ensino Básico e fundamenta a necessidade de a reorientar, tendo em vista a resposta a compromissos internacionais assumidos por Portugal no âmbito da Década da Educação para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável, bem como a importância de acompanhar orientações e políticas recomendadas a nível internacional, numa perspetiva de educação num contexto de globalização.

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Como reflexo da crescente disponibilização de recursos tecnológicos em ambiente Web 2.0 tem-se assistido, de forma gradual, a um contraponto de ordem social à inércia do poder político em sede da participação, traduzido numa intervenção mais ativa dos cidadãos, individualmente ou sob a forma de grupos de interesses, com recurso a processos de interação nos media participativos, nomeadamente nas redes sociais. Embora seja possível reconhecer alguma evolução no sentido da transparência na ação dos Governos, através de canais habitualmente mais vocacionados para procedimentos comunicacionais de natureza unidirecional, este estudo decorreu no sentido da caraterização das práticas participativas dos cidadãos, em ambiente digital, e das políticas e canais disponibilizados pelas administrações públicas, nomeadamente no âmbito da EU, em função dos compromissos assumidos por parte dos seus Estados-Membros para a criação e implementação de mecanismos de interação, no sentido de uma democracia digital, que enquanto conceção, enquadraria a participação dos cidadãos. Com este estudo pretendeu-se identificar necessidades e expectativas dos cidadãos, no contexto da cidadania participativa ou da democracia digital, sendo referenciados contextos enquadradores, correspondentes aos níveis da intervenção no exercício da cidadania em ambiente Web e ao estado da arte da componente que nessa matéria caberia aos Estados, nomeadamente no contexto da União Europeia e em particular, em Portugal. Para a concretização deste trabalho recorreu-se a bibliografia diversa, a exemplos práticos e à expressão da opinião de entidades singulares de reconhecido mérito e de representantes de Organizações da sociedade civil, sob a forma de entrevistas, parecendo pode retirar-se que as TIC não terão de assumir como objetivo procurar implantar uma democracia direta, em detrimento do contexto representativo, antes vir o seu potencial tecnológico a assumir um papel relevante no âmbito da complementaridade de interesses entre os poderes e os cidadãos.

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Tese de doutoramento, Ciências Sociais (Sociologia Histórica), Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, 2014

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Tese de doutoramento, História e Filosofia das Ciências, Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Ciências, 2014