897 resultados para peace movements


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In Responsibility to Protect and Women, Peace and Security: Aligning the Protection Agendas, editors Davies, Nwokora, Stamnes and Teitt address the intersections of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle and the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda. Widespread or systematic sexual or gender-based violence is a war crime, a crime against humanity and an act of genocide, all of which are clearly addressed in the R2P principle. The protection of those at risk of widespread sexual violence is therefore not only relative to the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, but a fundamental sovereign obligation for all states as part of their commitment to R2P. Contributions from policy-makers and academics consider both the merits and the utility of aligning the protection agendas of R2P and WPS. Ultimately, a number of actionable recommendations are made concerning a unification of the agendas to best support the global empowerment of women and prevention of mass atrocities.

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I live in the Sydney North Shore suburb of Northbridge. In many ways it is a white middle class enclave, comparable to places like Cabramatta that are identified with a specifically represented ethnic group. Gated primarily by the inflated property prices, it is a location that marks a territory principally for the white middle class. It is not a place of African-American movements. Or is it? Radio, television, film and Internet increasingly constitute a large portion of the sonic and visual landscapes of our suburban lives. In our lounge rooms and in our cars we are presented texts that take us beyond our local environments, into the places of other nations. This paper will explore the position of a fan of rap music, physically located beyond the cultural and political circumstances that drive sustained action for the movements of African-Americans. It will analyze whether such a fandom can indicate membership, as a social actor, in this group and in doing so illuminate the boundaries of movement activity in an information society.

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The loss of peripheral vision impairs spatial learning and navigation. However, the mechanisms underlying these impairments remain poorly understood. One advantage of having peripheral vision is that objects in an environment are easily detected and readily foveated via eye movements. The present study examined this potential benefit of peripheral vision by investigating whether competent performance in spatial learning requires effective eye movements. In Experiment 1, participants learned room-sized spatial layouts with or without restriction on direct eye movements to objects. Eye movements were restricted by having participants view the objects through small apertures in front of their eyes. Results showed that impeding effective eye movements made subsequent retrieval of spatial memory slower and less accurate. The small apertures also occluded much of the environmental surroundings, but the importance of this kind of occlusion was ruled out in Experiment 2 by showing that participants exhibited intact learning of the same spatial layouts when luminescent objects were viewed in an otherwise dark room. Together, these findings suggest that one of the roles of peripheral vision in spatial learning is to guide eye movements, highlighting the importance of spatial information derived from eye movements for learning environmental layouts.

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The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) Secretariat and its member states have repeatedly professed their commitment to the protection and advancement of women’s economic and human rights. Such commitments have included the Declaration on the Advancement of Women in ASEAN in 1988, the ASEAN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women in 2004, and the ASEAN Declaration of Human Rights in 2012, as well as the establishment of the ASEAN Committee on Women in 2002 and the ASEAN Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Women and Children in 2009. However, none of these regional commitments or institutions expressly take up the core concern of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda set out in United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1325 in 2000. ASEAN has no 1325 regional action plan and amongst the ASEAN membership, the Philippines is the only state that has adopted a 1325 National Action Plan (NAP). We explore the possible reasons for lack of ASEAN institutional engagement with 1325, outline the case for regional engagement, and suggest specific roles for ASEAN Secretariat, donor governments and individual member states to commit to UNSCR 1325 as a regional priority.

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A single channel video projection with image, text and sound components. It was projected so as entirely fill a 3 x 3.5 wall in a 6 x 3.5 metre gallery space. The work deals with the role of humour and the fictocritical in exploring the relationship between politics and art.

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This thesis explored pathways to healing in men and women who experienced traumatic sexual abuse in childhood and considered themselves to be in a place of wellness. The thesis synthesises current knowledge in this area and has produced a number of models with direct implications for clinical practice. This unique work has also contributed to advancing theoretical understanding of healing following sexual assault.

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This article analyses co-movements in a wide group of commodity prices during the time period 1992–2010. Our methodological approach is based on the correlation matrix and the networks inside. Through this approach we are able to summarize global interaction and interdependence, capturing the existing heterogeneity in the degrees of synchronization between commodity prices. Our results produce two main findings: (a) we do not observe a persistent increase in the degree of co-movement of the commodity prices in our time sample, however from mid-2008 to the end of 2009 co-movements almost doubled when compared with the average correlation; (b) we observe three groups of commodities which have exhibited similar price dynamics (metals, oil and grains, and oilseeds) and which have increased their degree of co-movement during the sampled period.

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This study was designed to examine differences in the coupling dynamics between upper limb motion, physiological tremor and whole body postural sway in young healthy adults. Acceleration of the hand and fingers, forearm EMG activity and postural sway data were recorded. Estimation of the degree of bilateral and limb motion-postural sway coupling was determined by cross correlation, coherence and Cross-ApEn analyses. The results of the analysis revealed that, under postural tremor conditions, there was no significant coupling between limbs, muscles or sway across all metrics of coupling. In contrast, performing a rapid alternating flexion/extension movement about the wrist joint (with one or both limbs) resulted in stronger coupling between limb motion and postural sway. These results support the view that, for physiological tremor responses, the control of postural sway is maintained independent to tremor in the upper limb. However, increasing the level of movement about a distal segment of one arm (or both) leads to increased coupling throughout the body. The basis for this increased coupling would appear to be related to the enhanced neural drive to task-specific muscles within the upper limb.

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The multiple forms of violence associated with protracted conflict disproportionately affect young people. Literature on conflict-affected children often focuses on the need to provide stability and security through institutions such as schools but rarely considers how young people themselves see these sites as part of their everyday lives. The enduring, pervasive, and complex nature of Colombia’s conflict means many young Colombians face the challenges of poverty, persistent social exclusion, and violence. Such conditions are exacerbated in ‘informal’ barrio communities such as los Altos de Cazucá, just south of the capital Bogotá. Drawing on field research in this community, particularly through interviews conducted with young people aged 10 to 17 this article explores how young people themselves understand the roles of the local school and ngo in their personal conceptualisations of the violence in their everyday lives. The evidence indicates that children use spaces available to them opportunistically and that these actions can and should be read as contributing to local, everyday forms of peacebuilding. The ways in which institutional spaces are understood and used by young people as ‘sites of opportunity’ challenges the assumed illegitimacy of young people’s voices and experiences in these environments.

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"The Latin meaning of the word “curriculum” as the race course for athletic sports is a good place to start to describe the use of this word in science education. It conjures up senses of contest and of challenge that have been part of the science curriculum since its earliest beginnings in schooling. Curriculum also had a Latin meaning associating it with the “deeds and events for developing a child to an adult” that also finds resonance in how the teaching and learning of science has in some places and some occasions been conceived. It is this sense of the prescription of an intended curriculum – what is to be taught and learnt in science – that this entry discusses the science curriculum’s movement over time. Others in education, and indeed in science education, use the word “curriculum” much more widely to include the pedagogies in classroom practice, the many other explicit and implicit experiences that ..."--Publisher website

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Engaging with the emerging discourse on children that recognises childhood as culturally specific and that children actively engage with their environment, this paper questions the dominant discourse’s view of children as passive recipients of socialisation. This paper argues that the discourse on children’s agency is a more useful framework for understanding the experiences of former child soldiers and that engaging meaningfully with this discourse will both improve life outcomes and reduce the risk of ongoing instability. This argument is made by an examination of the two discourses; examining their development and arguing for the usefulness of the agency discourse. This provides for an examination of children’s agency in education and skills training programs and of their political involvement (or marginalisation) in three conflicts: Colombia, Sierra Leone and Uganda. Recognising children as agents and engaging with how they navigate their lived experiences after involvement in conflict testifies to children’s resilience and their desire for change. Challenging the dominant discourse through the agency discourse allows for the acknowledgement of former child soldiers as both social and political agents in their own right and of their potential for contributing to stable and lasting peace.

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Peace education can be most simply thought of as educating students to create a more peaceful world. However, just as peace needs to be thought of as more than merely the absence of war, so too peace education needs to be thought of as being more than educating students to understand the importance of avoiding war. Peace is the presence of justice, and thus a fuller definition of peace education is educating students to create a more just and harmonious world. Peace education may thought of as having an international dimension, that is, educating for peace and social justice between nation-states; as having a domestic dimension, that is, educating for peace and social justice within societies, groups and families; and as having a personal dimension, that is, educating for peace and justice in our individual personal relationships and educating for inner peace. Moreover, many writers now also see peace education as encompassing our inter-relationship with our natural environment. All these dimensions of peace education can be seen to be inter-related...

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Despite an increasing number of acclaimed abstract animations being created through the application of motion capture technologies there has been little detailed documentation and analysis of this approach for abstract animation production. More specifically, it is unclear what the key considerations are, and what issues practitioners might face, when integrating motion capture movement data into their practice. In response to this issue this study explored and documented the practice of generating abstract visual and temporal artefacts from motion captured dance movements that compose abstract animated short films. The study has resulted in a possible framework for this form of practice and outlines five key considerations which should be taken into account by practitioners who use motion capture in the production of abstract animated short films.

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As world food and fuel prices threaten expanding urban populations, there is greater need for the urban poor to have access and claims over how and where food is produced and distributed. This is especially the case in marginalized urban settings where high proportions of the population are food insecure. The global movement for food sovereignty has been one attempt to reclaim rights and participation in the food system and challenge corporate food regimes. However, given its origins from the peasant farmers' movement, La Via Campesina, food sovereignty is often considered a rural issue when increasingly its demands for fair food systems are urban in nature. Through interviews with scholars, urban food activists, non-governmental and grassroots organizations in Oakland and New Orleans in the United States of America, we examine the extent to which food sovereignty has become embedded as a concept, strategy and practice. We consider food sovereignty alongside other dominant US social movements such as food justice, and find that while many organizations do not use the language of food sovereignty explicitly, the motives behind urban food activism are similar across movements as local actors draw on elements of each in practice. Overall, however, because of the different histories, geographic contexts, and relations to state and capital, food justice and food sovereignty differ as strategies and approaches. We conclude that the US urban food sovereignty movement is limited by neoliberal structural contexts that dampen its approach and radical framework. Similarly, we see restrictions on urban food justice movements that are also operating within a broader framework of market neoliberalism. However, we find that food justice was reported as an approach more aligned with the socio-historical context in both cities, due to its origins in broader class and race struggles.