982 resultados para office work
Resumo:
In-office dental bleaching has been subject of several studies. Generally those studies quantify through visual analysis, the shade reduction of the teeth submitted to different bleaching protocols (light sources, bleaching agent concentrations and irradiation time). The objective of this work is the determination of the influence of four irradiation protocols on the obtainment of better aesthetic results using a colorimetric spectrophotometer that quantifies color changes in each situation imposed. Forty bovine incisors were selected in function of similar anatomic characteristics; a concentrated coffee solution was used to stain the teeth. A commercial spectrophotometer was used to measure the color changes during evolution of the experiment (stain and bleaching phases) and the obtained data was analyzed by the ANOVA test. The obtained data showed the evolution of teeth color during the staining period, as well as, the color reduction that each bleaching protocol achieved. Based on our findings it is possible to conclude that bleaching protocols with larger irradiation periods did not showed significant differences when compared with shorter irradiation protocols, in that way the use of protocols with 30 min or more of consecutive irradiation are not clinically justified and also can cause several side effects.
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Abstract Background The public health system of Brazil is structured by a network of increasing complexity, but the low resolution of emergency care at pre-hospital units and the lack of organization of patient flow overloaded the hospitals, mainly the ones of higher complexity. The knowledge of this phenomenon induced Ribeirão Preto to implement the Medical Regulation Office and the Mobile Emergency Attendance System. The objective of this study was to analyze the impact of these services on the gravity profile of non-traumatic afflictions in a University Hospital. Methods The study conducted a retrospective analysis of the medical records of 906 patients older than 13 years of age who entered the Emergency Care Unit of the Hospital of the University of São Paulo School of Medicine at Ribeirão Preto. All presented acute non-traumatic afflictions and were admitted to the Internal Medicine, Surgery or Neurology Departments during two study periods: May 1996 (prior to) and May 2001 (after the implementation of the Medical Regulation Office and Mobile Emergency Attendance System). Demographics and mortality risk levels calculated by Acute Physiology and Chronic Health Evaluation II (APACHE II) were determined. Results From 1996 to 2001, the mean age increased from 49 ± 0.9 to 52 ± 0.9 (P = 0.021), as did the percentage of co-morbidities, from 66.6 to 77.0 (P = 0.0001), the number of in-hospital complications from 260 to 284 (P = 0.0001), the mean calculated APACHE II mortality risk increased from 12.0 ± 0.5 to 14.8 ± 0.6 (P = 0.0008) and mortality rate from 6.1 to 12.2 (P = 0.002). The differences were more significant for patients admitted to the Internal Medicine Department. Conclusion The implementation of the Medical Regulation and Mobile Emergency Attendance System contributed to directing patients with higher gravity scores to the Emergency Care Unit, demonstrating the potential of these services for hierarchical structuring of pre-hospital networks and referrals.
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This article details the American experience of welfare reform, and specifically its experience instituting workfare programs for participants. In the United States, the term "welfare" is most commonly used to refer to the program for single mothers and their families, formerly called Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) and now, Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF). In 1996, politicians "ended welfare as we know it" by fundamentally changing this program with the passage of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA). The principal focus of the 1996 reform is mandatory work requirements enforced by sanctions and strict time limits on welfare receipt. While PRWORA's emphasis on work is not new, the difference is its significant ideological and policy commitment to employment, enforced by time limits. When welfare reform was enacted, some of its proponents recognized that welfare offices would have to change in order to develop individualized workfare plans, monitor progress, and impose sanctions. The "culture" of welfare offices had to be changed from being solely concerned with eligibility and compliance to individual, intensive casework. In this article, I will discuss how implementing workfare programs have influenced the relationship between clients and their workers at the welfare office. I start by describing the burdens faced by offices even before the enactment of welfare reform. Local welfare offices were expected to run programs that emphasized compliance and eligibility at the same time as workfare programs, which require intensive, personal case management. The next section of the paper will focus on strategies welfare offices and workers use to navigate these contradictory expectations. Lastly, I will present information on how clients react to workfare programs and some reasons they acquiesce to workfare contracts despite their unmet needs. I conclude with recommendations of how to make workfare truly work for welfare clients.
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Body height decreases throughout the day due to fluid loss from the intervertebral disk. This study investigated whether spinal shrinkage was greater during workdays compared with nonwork days, whether daily work stressors were positively related to spinal shrinkage, and whether job control was negatively related to spinal shrinkage. In a consecutive 2-week ambulatory field study, including 39 office employees and 512 days of observation, spinal shrinkage was measured by a stadiometer, and calculated as body height in the morning minus body height in the evening. Physical activity was monitored throughout the 14 days by accelerometry. Daily work stressors, daily job control, biomechanical workload, and recreational activities after work were measured with daily surveys. Multilevel regression analyses showed that spinal disks shrank more during workdays than during nonwork days. After adjustment for sex, age, body weight, smoking status, biomechanical work strain, and time spent on physical and low-effort activities during the day, lower levels of daily job control significantly predicted increased spinal shrinkage. Findings add to knowledge on how work redesign that increases job control may possibly contribute to preserving intervertebral disk function and preventing occupational back pain.
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Decisions about location of services sometimes appear to be made more on the basis of agency preference than assessment of need. Today the profession has enough experience with service locations that it is possible to develop more clear guidelines for the decision about where work with clients should take place, in the client’s home or nearby community or in the practitioner’s office. This study was conducted with two purposes; 1) to identify at a higher level of evidence the various reasons for seeing clients in their own homes and nearby community setting; and 2) to demonstrate how readily available information can be used to gradually increase the level of evidence by which practice decisions are made.
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In recent decades, work has become an increasingly common feature of adolescent life in the United States. Once assumed to be an inherently positive experience for youth, school year work has recently been associated with several adverse effects, especially as the number of hours of weekly work increases. The purpose of this dissertation was to describe the impact of school year work on adolescent development in a sample of high school students from rural South Texas, an area where economically-disadvantaged and Hispanic students are heavily represented.^ The first study described the prevalence and work circumstances of 3,565 10$\rm\sp{th}$ and 12$\rm\sp{th}$ grade students who responded to anonymous surveys conducted in regular classrooms. The overall prevalence of current work was 53%. Prevalence differed by grade, college-noncollege-bound status, and parent education. Fifty percent of employed students worked to support consumer spending.^ The second study examined the effects of four levels of work intensity on the academic, behavioral, social, mental and physical health of students. The following negative effects of intense work were reported: (1) decreased engagement in school, satisfaction with leisure time, and hours of weeknight and weekend sleep, and (2) increased health risk behaviors and psychological stress. The negative effects of intense work differed by gender, grade, ethnicity, but not by parent education.^ The third study described the prevalence of injury in the study population. A dose response effect was observed where increasing hours of weekly work were significantly related to work-related injury. The likelihood of being injured while employed in restaurant, farm/ranch, and construction work was greater than the probability of being injured while working in factory/office/skilled, yard, or retail work when compared to babysitting. Cuts, shocks/burns and sprains were the most common injuries in working teens.^ Students, parents, educators, health professionals and policymakers should continue to monitor the number of weekly hours that students work during the school year. ^
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On verso: M-14