92 resultados para normativity


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The ‘Normative Power Europe’ debate has been a leitmotif in the academic discourse for over a decade. Far from being obsolete, the topic is as relevant as when the term was first coined by Ian Manners in 2002.1 ‘To be or not to be a normative power’ is certainly one of the existential dilemmas in the foreign policy of the European Union. This paper, however, intends to move beyond the black-and-white debate on whether the European Union is a normative power and to make it more nuanced by examining the factors that make it such. Contrary to the conventional perception that the European Union is a necessarily ‘benign’ force in the world, it assumes that it has aspirations to be a viable international actor. Consequently, it pursues different types of foreign policy behaviour with a varying degree of normativity in them. The paper addresses the question of under what conditions the European Union is a ‘normative power’. The findings of the study demonstrate that the ‘normative power’ of the European Union is conditioned upon internal and external elements, engaged in a complex interaction with a decisive role played by the often neglected external elements.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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This article addresses the centrality of normativity to IR (International Relations) by engaging in an investigation of the meaning of a 'classical' approach (Bull 1969). It demonstrates how a classical approach, properly understood, might provide common ground for IR theorists. The substantive argument is that IR can benefit from reflection on the classical understanding of the relationship between theory and practice, and in particular on the understanding of this relationship provided by philosophical hermeneutics. Philosophical hermeneutics is an approach to the human sciences informed by Aristotle's conception of a practical philosophy. A practical philosophy in the classical sense sees theory as a moral and political inquiry involving a body of knowledge and a philosophy of practice engaging in reflection upon the nature of the good life and the means to achieve it.

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This article utilises participant observation, interview and collaborative visual data, collected with women erotic dancers, management and customers, to ascertain how far heteronormativity is subverted in a UK lesbian leisure space, Lippy (the name is a pseudonym), which provides erotic dance for women customers. The potential for a female 'gaze', the 'normativity' of gendered and sexualised bodies, and the notion of a 'women's space' are taken as areas for analysis. Women's engagement with erotic dance is complex, and this article examines the connections between sexual agency and gendered power relations, questioning how far women can exercise autonomous sexual expression in commercial sexual encounters. © The Author(s) 2012.

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Gay men and heterosexual women may share some common interests in critiquing hetero-patriarchy. However feminism and gay liberationist politics do not always coincide and the role of individual subjectivities in recognising oppressive discourses of normativity remains debated. Interviews were conducted with seven friendship dyads of heterosexual women and gay men. Transcripts were subjected to discourse analysis, which suggested extensive management of heterosexist norms in the friends' accounts of friendship. The analysis highlighted ambiguity over the 'male' status of gay men, a concern with constructing the friendships as legitimately asexual, and the use of parody in the face of homophobia to disrupt normative assumptions. Although we primarily considered the role of heterosexist discourses, there is also evidence that other dimensions of non-normativity (for example, gender and ethnicity) are implicated in friendships constructed around shared otherness and mutual non-normativity. © 2010 SAGE.

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The social participation in Brazil takes a new impetus with the (re)democratization process of the Brazilian society and is strengthened by the resurgence of the civil society and the 1988 Constitution. In this context, the study is conducted with the scope to verify the effectiveness of deliberative Municipal Health Council of Mossoro (CMSM), with theoretical and methodological support based on the following models: the participatory normativity, which measures the degree of institutionalization, democratization and council representation; and the effectiveness of deliberative that, from the calling capacity and agenda of the participants, from the kinds of manifestation, from the decisions and the council’s office, that measures the degree of effectiveness of the deliberative council. It appears, thus, that the council has an average degree of effectiveness deliberative, standing out as means an institution that practice, despite the existence of obstacles and challenges, the role of control over municipal health policies, due, among other factors, the conservative political context, the asymmetry of resources between the counselors, the little substantive participation of the actors who attend its meetings, either counselor or not, and in particular, the reduced influence of the members in its decision-making process. In public management of Mossoro, social participation, especially social control over public actions, face, today, great number of difficulties to be held. The study recognizes that, in such circumstances, the council partially fulfills the role for which it was created, what does not impede, however, be characterized as an important deliberative space, since it allows the participation of representatives of the various segments of the state, society, their demands and intentions. Overcoming such obstacles moves through the interest of civil society to wake up and fight for the spaces in these institutions.

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The sociocultural mythology of the South homogenizes it as a site of abjection. To counter the regionalist discourse, the dissertation intersects queer sexualities with gender and race and focuses on exploring identity and spatial formation among Black lesbian and queer women. The dissertation seeks to challenge the monolith of the South and place the region into multiple contexts and to map Black geographies through an intentional intersectional account of Black queer women. The dissertation utilizes qualitative research methods to ascertain understandings of lived experiences in the production of space. The dissertation argues that an idea of Progress has been indoctrinated as a synonym for the lgbtq civil rights movement and subsequently provides an analysis of progress discourses and queer sexualities and political campaigns of equality in the South. Analyses revealed different ways to situate progress utilizing the public contributions of three Black women interviewed for the dissertation. Moreover, the dissertation utilizes six Black queer and lesbian women to explain the multifarious nature of identities and their construction in place. Black queer and lesbian women produce spaces that deconstruct the normativity of stasis and physicality, and the dissertation explores the consequential realities of being a body in space. These consequences are particularly highlighted in the dissertation by discussions of the processes of racialization in the bounded and unbounded senses of space and place and the impacts of religious institutions, specifically Christianity. The dissertation concluded that no space is without complication. Other considerations should be made in the advancement of alleviating oppression deeply embedded in United States landscapes. Black women’s geographies offer epistemological and ontological renderings that enrich analyses of space, place, and landscape. The dissertation also concludes that Black women’s bodies represent sites for the production of geographic knowledge through narrating their spaces of material trajectories of interlocking, multiscalar lives.

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This paper is a constructivist attempt to understand a global political space where states as actors (the traditional domain of international relations theory and international law) are joined by international organizations, firms, NGOs, and others. Today we know that many supposedly private or international orders (meaning sources of order other than the central institutions of the territorial state) are engaged in the regulation of large domains of collective life in a world where the sources of power are multiple, sovereignties are overlapping, and anarchy is meaningless. The paper begins with an attempt, discussed in the first section, to sort out what the rule of law might mean in the context of the WTO, where we soon see that it can only be understood by also considering the meaning of Administrative Law. Much of the debate about rule of law depends on positivist and centralist theories of “law,” whose inadequacy for my purposes leads, in the second section, to a discussion of legal pluralism and implicit law in legal theory. These approaches offer an alternative theoretical framework that respects the role of the state while not seeing it as the only source of normativity. The third section looks directly at WTO law and dispute settlement. I tr y to show that the sources and interpretations of law in the WTO and the trading system cannot be reduced to the Dispute Settlement Body. I conclude in the fourth section with some suggestions on how a WTO rule of law could be understood as democratic.

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Deeply conflicting views on the political situation of Judaea under the Roman prefects (6-41 c.e.) have been offered. According to some scholars, this was a period of persistent political unrest and agitation, whilst according to a widespread view it was a quiescent period of political calm (reflected in Tacitus’ phrase sub Tiberio quies). The present article critically examines again the main available sources –particularly Josephus, the canonical Gospels and Tacitus– in order to offer a more reliable historical reconstruction. The conclusions drawn by this survey calls into question some widespread and insufficiently nuanced views on the period. This, in turn, allows a reflection on the non-epistemic factors which might contribute to explain the origin of such views.

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This article discusses the contribution of critical political economy approaches to digital journalism studies and argues that these offer important correctives to celebratory perspectives. The first part offers a review and critique of influential claims arising from self-styled new studies of convergence culture, media and creative industries. The second part discusses the contribution of critical political economy in examining digital journalism and responding to celebrant claims. The final part reflects on problems of restrictive normativity and other limitations within media political economy perspectives and considers ways in which challenges might be addressed by more synthesising approaches. The paper proposes developing radical pluralist, media systems and comparative analysis, and advocates drawing on strengths in both political economy and culturalist traditions to map and evaluate practices across all sectors of digital journalism.

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Value and reasons for action are often cited by rationalists and moral realists as providing a desire-independent foundation for normativity. Those maintaining instead that normativity is dependent upon motivation often deny that anything called '"value" or "reasons" exists. According to the interest-relational theory, something has value relative to some perspective of desire just in case it satisfies those desires, and a consideration is a reason for some action just in case it indicates that something of value will be accomplished by that action. Value judgements therefore describe real properties of objects and actions, but have no normative significance independent of desires. It is argued that only the interest-relational theory can account for the practical significance of value and reasons for action. Against the Kantian hypothesis of prescriptive rational norms, I attack the alleged instrumental norm or hypothetical imperative, showing that the normative force for taking the means to our ends is explicable in terms of our desire for the end, and not as a command of reason. This analysis also provides a solution to the puzzle concerning the connection between value judgement and motivation. While it is possible to hold value judgements without motivation, the connection is more than accidental. This is because value judgements are usually but not always made from the perspective of desires that actually motivate the speaker. In the normal case judgement entails motivation. But often we conversationally borrow external perspectives of desire, and subsequent judgements do not entail motivation. This analysis drives a critique of a common practice as a misuse of normative language. The "absolutist" attempts to use and, as philosopher, analyze normative language in such a way as to justify the imposition of certain interests over others. But these uses and analyses are incoherent - in denying relativity to particular desires they conflict with the actual meaning of these utterances, which is always indexed to some particular set of desires.

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Proportion responding (PR) is the preference for proportionally higher gains, such that the same absolute quantity is valued more as the reference group decreases. This research investigated this kind of proportion PR in decisions about saving lives (e.g., saving 10/10 lives is preferred to saving 10/100 lives). The results of two studies suggest that PR does not stem from an overall tendency to choose higher proportions, but rather from faulty deliberative reasoning. In particular, people who display PR are less likely to engage in deliberative reflection as measured by response time, the Process Dissociation Procedure, the Cognitive Reflection Test, a numeracy test, and a task assessing denominator neglect. This association between faulty deliberation and PR was observed only when choosing the highest proportion was non-normative because it came at the expense of absolute gains (e.g., saving 10/10 lives is preferred to saving 11/100 lives). These results help to make sense of discrepant findings in previous research, pertaining to how PR relates to biased reasoning and decision making.

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Pretendo explicitar algumas implicações epistemológicas do debate entre Putnam e Habermas acerca da objetividade dos valores. Inicialmente, gostaria de construir, recorrendo a reflexões em filosofia da linguagem e no neopragmatismo, o horizonte teórico no qual se possa entender de maneira menos unilateral a relação entre naturalismo e a normatividade das “formas de vida” (1). Tais considerações devem funcionar como uma explanação do contexto filosófico em que se desenvolve o debate Habermas/Putnam. Em seguida, gostaria de resumir a posição de Putnam (2). Em terceiro lugar, a partir daquilo que parece ser a direção argumentativa compartilhada, pretendo evidenciar a pertinência do debate para os atuais questionamentos em filosofia prática, delineando os contornos do “pragmatismo ético” (3). Finalmente, procuro mostrar que Habermas escapa à crítica de Putnam aderindo implicitamente à tese da vinculação da moral deontológica a uma orientação axiológica em termos de vulnerabilidade (4). ______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT

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Este artigo pretende apresentar os motivos por trás de algumas propostas intersubjetivistas na teoria social e na teoria da justiça. Primeiramente, tentarei desenvolver alguns temas da filosofia de Hegel no sentido de formular a tese de que se estabelece aí uma relação fundamental entre teoria social e teoria da justiça (1). Em seguida, pretendo especificar o conteúdo desta relação num argumento duplo: mostrando (a) que ela consiste, do ponto de vista da teoria social, em uma dialética entre socialização e individualização; e (b) que esta dialética se vincula ao problema da normatividade, tornando-se relevante para a teoria da justiça (2). Em terceiro lugar, desejo mostrar que a ética do discurso projetou uma ampliação filosófico-jurídica não apenas para estabilizar a tensão entre validade e facticidade, mas que também, não sendo apenas especializada em questões de justiça, assume a tarefa de pensar a vulnerabilidade daquela dialética (3). Finalmente, procuro mostrar como uma teoria da justiça fundada no conceito intersubjetivo de liberdade é capaz de preencher mais adequadamente esta lacuna, criando condições para uma crítica terapêutica da modernidade (4). ______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT

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Ce texte a pour but de monter que l’efficience telle qu’utilisée par les économistes dans le cadre de recommandations de politiques publiques suppose toujours l’adoption de certains critères moraux. Je voudrai d’abord montrer que les recommandations des économistes en matière de politiques publiques ont déjà été identifiées aux recommandations de l’utilitarisme. Plusieurs économistes ont voulu abstraire leur science de toute discussion morale au XXe siècle. Cette séparation entre faits et valeur s’est soldée par l’apparition de l’efficience de Pareto, grandement utilisée dans le cadre de l’économie du bien-être. Cependant, cette utilisation de l’efficience suppose à la fois qu’il est moralement désirable d’améliorer le bien-être des individus et que ce bien-être peut être évalué en termes de satisfaction des préférences, ce qui constitue un jugement de nature éthique et morale qui ne peut être fait seulement à partir de faits scientifiques. L’efficience ne peut plutôt être utilisée de manière non moralement discutable seulement si l’on examine au préalable les objectifs sociaux que l’utilisation de cette mesure présuppose. D’un point de vue scientifique, l’économiste qui veut utiliser une mesure d’efficience doit donc toujours prendre pour acquis les éléments normatifs qui sont intégrés aux calculs d’efficience. La discussion concernant la pertinence de ces objectifs sociaux ainsi que l’importance relative de chacun des objectifs sociaux est une discussion portant avant tout sur des questions morales qui ne sont pas du domaine des sciences économiques.