Popular Writers: Women Historians, the Academic Community and National History Writing

The research for this paper formed part of the European Science Foundation project on Representations of the Past: The Writing of National Histories in Europe. Using data generated by the project, the article traces the emergence of professional academic women historians in twentieth-century European universities. It argues that the marginalisation of women historians in academia until the 1980s led women history graduates to develop research-based careers outside the university. In particular, the ambiguous attitude of academic historians towards popular history writing opened up a space for the woman author. The article analyses the careers and writings of five historians who pursued very successful careers as authors of popular history in England, France, Ireland and Scotland. They were among the first 'public' historians.

Young People, Conflict and Regulation

Set against the progress claimed since the Good Friday/ Belfast Agreement, this article reflects the reality of life for children and young people as they negotiate the aftermath of the Conflict in Northern Ireland. Their experiences of informal and formal policing, community and State control, demonstrate the need to understand the lasting impacts of the Conflict when developing policies and practices affecting their lives. At a crucial defining period in the devolution of justice and policing, and based on primary research conducted by the authors, the article establishes key rights-compliant principles central to reform of youth justice.

“A Labour Leader in a Frothy Scoundrel”: Farce and Social Justice in the Popular Dramaturgy of George Shiels

In the financially precarious period which followed the partition of Ireland (1922) the Northern Irish playwright George Shiels kept The Abbey Theatre, Dublin, open for business with a series of ‘box-office’ successes. Literary Dublin was not so appreciative of his work as the Abbey audiences dubbing his popular dramaturgy mere ‘kitchen comedy’. However, recent analysts of Irish theatre are beginning to recognise that Shiels used popular theatre methods to illuminate and interrogate instances of social injustice both north and south of the Irish border. In doing so, such commentators have set up a hierarchy between the playwright’s early ‘inferior’ comedies and his later ‘superior’ works of Irish Realism. This article rejects this binary by suggesting that in this early work Shiels’s intent is equally socially critical and that in the plays Paul Twyning, Professor Tim and The Retrievers he is actively engaging with the farcical tradition in order to expose the marginalisation of the landless classes in Ireland in the post-colonial jurisdictions.

A Cat's Lick: Democratisation and Minority Communities in the Post-Soviet Baltic

The research on Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania has pointed out some controversial social and political developments since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Crucially, there is a discrepancy between the governments' commitment to creating democratic political regimes, to ensuring harmonious social relations and to accommodating the ethno-cultural diversity of the resident communities. In reflecting on the legacies of the Soviet past, the book addresses the role non-titular populations have played in the process of democratisation and the relation between the states, societies and minorities in the post-Soviet Baltic states. The argument proceeds along three lines. Firstly, the book examines the institutional dimension of democratisation in the region, thereby addressing the processes of state- and nation-building as reflected in various policy-developments. Secondly, it compares the impact of ethno-cultural diversity on the development of the respective Baltic nation-states. The discussion makes clear that the framework of Baltic political communities was designed to suit the interests of the titular groups and thus resulted in the marginalisation of the minority communities. Thirdly, the book assesses the participation of minority communities in the development, criticism and improvement of state institutions and policies since independence. The analysis points out that, two decades after independence, the post-Soviet Baltic states and societies are seen by many members of the majority groups as primarily serving the interests of their ethnic community. In this situation, the members of the non-titular communities need to adapt to the majorities' perceptions in order to benefit from the achievements of democratisation.

Bolivian health and social care professionals' experiences of decision-making in oncology and palliative care

In the UK, end-of-life care strategies recommend patients and families are involved in decision making around treatment and care. In Bolivia, such strategies do not exist, and access to oncology services depends on finance, geography, education and culture. Compared to more developed countries, the delivery of oncology services in Latin America may result in a higher percentage of patients presenting with advanced incurable disease. The objective of this study was to explore decision-making experiences of health and social care professionals who cared for oncology and palliative care patients attending the Instituto Oncológico Nacional, Cochabamba (Bolivia). Patients were predominantly from the Quechua tradition, which has its own ethnic diversity, linguistic distinctions and economic systems. Qualitative data were collected during focus groups. Data analysis was conducted using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis. Three interrelated themes emerged: (i) making sense of structures of experience and relationality; (ii) frustration with the system; and (iii) the challenges of promoting shared decision making. The study uncovered participants' lived experiences, emotions and perceptions of providing care for Quechua patients. There was evidence of structural inequalities, the marginalisation of Quechua patients and areas of concern that social workers might well be equipped to respond to, such as accessing finances for treatment/care, education and alleviating psychological or spiritual suffering.

On Not Reading Fifty Shades:Feminism and the Fantasy of Romantic Immunity

This paper explores the politics of feminist criticism of the Fifty Shades novels as seen in both traditional media commentary and popular online news and cultural websites and blogs. I argue that much media commentary, in broadsheet and other ‘respectable’ outlets particularly, has featured avowedly feminist writers dismissing the books as ‘bad’, not only containing bad writing and bad sex but, ultimately, as being bad for their women readers. Situating these responses within a history of feminist discomfort with popular erotic and romantic fiction marketed to women I read these responses as a form of ‘anti-romantic’ fantasy in which the reader/critic is able to assert both her immunity from the romantic fantasy offered in the text and her cultural distance from those women who are subject to it. Further, this act of disavowal is often linked to a professed concern for the women who read the novel who the critic argues will, inevitably, replicate the abusive and harmful relationship dynamics that the novel represent. Such a move then positions the feminist critic as not only more culturally intelligent than women readers of the novel but enacts a fantasy of respectable, middle-class feminist cultural custodianship. Such a fantasy, I argue, is connected to the post-feminist era in which we live, which has produced a class of self-appointed ‘feminist’ cultural critics who seek to contest their own cultural marginalisation through enacting a governmental authority to worry about other women. This paper, therefore, is a critical investigation of the pleasures and politics of very publicly not reading Fifty Shades and its significance for analysing the contemporary politics of popular culture and feminism.

Ulster Says Maybe: The Restructuring of Evangelical Politics in Northern Ireland

The recent electoral triumphs of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) have stimulated debate about the role of fundamentalist or ‘traditional evangelical’ Protestantism within the party and in Northern Irish politics. This paper argues that a significant restructuring of evangelical politics is taking place, one that is interest group‐centred rather than DUP‐centred. This process has been facilitated by changes in the structure of civil society. Traditional evangelical interest groups are ‘reframing’ their political projects in surprising new ways: abandoning Calvinist conceptions of church and state, using discourses of marginalisation and discrimination, and focusing on ‘moral’ issues. These subtle shifts in rhetoric constitute an acceptance of the post‐Belfast Agreement order. Rather than the tired, ‘Ulster Says No’ politics of the past, evangelicals are speaking out with a pragmatic ‘maybe’. This move parallels and reinforces the DUP’s ideological shifts, and provides an extra‐party platform for evangelicals to impact politics.

The Marquess of Londonderry: Aristocracy, Power and Politics in Britain and Ireland

The decline and fall of the British aristocracy looked headlong and irreversible in the twentieth century yet many grandees tried to preserve their power, wealth and influence by every means - and with some success. There is no better example than the Seventh Marquess of Londonderry whose life from 1878 to 1949 spanned and mirrored the period. The Londonderrys had enjoyed immense wealth in land and minerals in Britain and Ireland for centuries, played leading roles in Parliament and the state, and in an earlier time the Seventh Marquess would have continued in the family tradition of patrician prominence. Drawing upon original state and family papers, N.C. Fleming places the Londonderrys in the context of the history and the political theory of aristocracy and shows the constant struggle - not without success - against marginalisation. The theme runs through Londonderry's career as Conservative MP, on the Irish Viceroy's Council, as a junior minister in Lloyd Geroge's coalition, at the Air Ministry with Trenchard - the 'father of the RAF' - and in the National Government. Perhaps an element of desperation entered in his private business ventures and with contacts with the far Right - all in sharp contrast to past family achievement.

Why is Research Still Invisible in Further Education?

This article takes as its starting point earlier research reported by Geoffrey Elliott in 1996. That study found that research was consistantly marginalised in the FE sector, and identified a number of structural factors that contributed to this ‘invisibility’. This new study draws upon a small sample of lecturers who belong to a Further and Higher Education Early Years Partnership. Through the participants’ voices and perspectives, the authors identify continuing dissonance and issues of research marginalisation. The discussion also highlights contemporary educational discourse, with its predominant focus upon measurable value at the expense of values, as a key factor in sustaining a culture that is antithetic to thoughtful reflection and research. The authors identify the development of a ‘collaborative centralised’ research community as critical to an alternative possibility for research in further education.

Congressional acquiescence to presidentialism in the US ‘War on Terror’

Congressional dominance theory holds that not only can the US Congress control the executive, it does. The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington on 11 September 2001 and the Bush administration's ensuing global 'war on terror' suggest a different result. Bush's response to 9/11 signalled not only new directions in US foreign and domestic policy but a new stage in the aggrandisement of presidential power in the United States and a further step in the marginalisation of the Congress. Informed by a constitutional doctrine unknown to the framers of the US Constitution, the Bush administration pursued a presidentialist or 'ultra-separationist' governing strategy that was disrespectful to the legislature's intended role in the separated system. Using its unilateral powers, in public and in secret, claiming 'inherent' authority from the Constitution, and exploiting the public's fear of a further terrorist attack and of endangering the lives of US troops abroad, the administration skilfully drove its legislation through the Congress. Occasionally, the Congress was able to extract concessions - notably in the immediate aftermath of 9/11, when partisan control of the government was split - but more typically, for most of the period, the Congress acquiesced to administration demands, albeit with the consolation of minor concessions. The administration not only dominated the lawmaking process, it also cowed legislators into legitimating often highly controversial (and sometimes illegal) administration-determined definitions of counter-terrorism and national security policy. Certainly, the Congress undertook a considerable amount of oversight during the period of the 'war on terror'; lawmakers also complained. But the effects on policy were marginal. This finding held true for periods of Democratic as well as Republican majorities.

Le care entre dépendance et domination: l'intérêt de la théorie néorépublicaine pour penser une "caring society".

L’éthique du care est confrontée à un problème qui a des allures de paradoxe: bien que sa politisation paraisse nécessaire, l’éthique du care ne semble pas pouvoir trouver en elle-même les ressources suffisantes à la formulation d’une théorie politique compréhensive. Il ne semble pas exister de théorie politique du care à part entière. Cet article examine la fécondité d’un rapprochement entre éthique du care et théorie néorépublicaine de la non-domination. Le résultat, non négligeable, serait de garantir des formes importantes de protections aux activités de care, mais il cela n’empêcherait pas nécessairement les représentations négatives de ces activités, dont on peut supposer qu’elle est l’un des facteurs de la marginalisation et de la répartition inégale qui les affecte. Pour bloquer ces représentations dégradantes, il faudrait que le care soit discuté et défini dans l’espace public non seulement comme un lieu possible de la domination, mais comme un aspect fondamental et positif de la vie individuelle et collective.

Le travail d'enseignant en milieu carcéral

Jusqu’à maintenant, la prison a surtout été analysée à partir du point de vue des détenus et celui des surveillants comme si le vécu de l’enfermement et la relation détenus-surveillants étaient les seuls points de vue permettant d’en apprendre sur ce qu’elle est et d’en saisir le fonctionnement. Nous pensons, pour notre part, que d’autres points de vue sont possibles, voire même souhaitables. C’est le cas, notamment, de celui des enseignants qui exercent leur métier en prison. Bien que théoriquement en mesure d’offrir un complément intéressant aux fonctions de dissuasion et de réinsertion sociale que la prison remplit difficilement à elle seule, le projet éducatif carcéral constitue une activité plus ou moins marginalisée qui est ramenée au niveau des autres activités pénitentiaires. Au premier chef, c’est à la prison que nous sommes tentés d’en imputer la responsabilité et, de fait, elle y est pour quelque chose. D’abord conçue pour neutraliser des criminels, il lui est difficile de les éduquer en même temps. Mais cette marginalisation, nous le verrons, n’est pas le seul fait de la prison. Elle tient aussi beaucoup au mandat qu’ils se donnent et à la façon dont les enseignants se représentent leur travail. S’étant eux-mêmes défini un mandat ambitieux de modelage et de remodelage de la personnalité de leurs élèves délinquants détenus, prérequis, selon eux, à un retour harmonieux dans la collectivité, les enseignants déplorent qu’on ne leur accorde pas toute la crédibilité qui devrait leur revenir. Cette situation est d’autant plus difficile à vivre, qu’à titre de travailleurs contractuels pour la plupart, ils sont déjà, aux yeux du personnel correctionnel, objets d’une méfiance qui sera d’autant plus grande que, pour effectuer leur travail, ils doivent se faire une représentation du délinquant et du délit peu compatibles avec celles qui prévalent dans le milieu. C’est ainsi qu’à la marginalisation comme fait organisationnel se superpose une auto-marginalisation, incontournable, qui est le fait des enseignants eux-mêmes et qui se traduit par leur attitude de réserve à l’égard de la prison. La chose est d’autant plus paradoxale que le mandat que se donnent les enseignants, bien qu’ils s’en gardent de le dire, correspond tout à fait au projet correctionnel. Mais la prison, davantage préoccupée par la gestion du risque que par la réinsertion sociale des détenus, n’a d’intérêt pour l’éducation en milieu carcéral que dans la mesure où elle permet une socialisation à l’idéologie pénitentiaire et contribue à consolider la paix à l’intérieur des murs avec la complicité des enseignants eux-mêmes. Du reste, ces derniers ne sont pas dupes et lui en font grief, encore qu’il soit permis de nous demander si on ne lui reproche pas, plus simplement, de ne pas leur donner toute la place qu’ils croient leur revenir et de les laisser suspendus dans le vide carcéral.

Bad news for satisfied tenants: On the social construction of social rented housing as dreadful enclosures

As long as the social rented sector - which comprised 6% of the housing stock - housed traditional families and the allocation procedures were rather loose, little commotion came about. A combination of changes in family structures (leading to the in stream of ethnic minorities), economic changes (leading to the in stream of poor people), and the strengthening of allocation procedures towards those most in need, did change perceptions. Marginalisation and ghettoisation became during the 1990s the buzzwords when talking and writing about social rented housing. In this article, we will explain the background of the scapegoat trends and the possible consequences for social tenants in particular and for the social rental housing in general.

Working Children: their Agency and self-organization

In recent years, ‘agency’ has appeared in academic writings as a new way of referring to active involvement from below in development interventions. The concept of ‘agency’ starts from the assumption that people are actually agents themselves, continuously acting in and reacting to circumstances. In child labour activism, this concept has been applied to working children in the understanding that, in order to improve their working conditions, children should be organised in organizations that are exclusively for and (ideally) run by working children. This paper aims to evaluate the extent to which child labourers can become agents of change through their own organizations. The paper will draw on two studies carried out by the IREWOC foundation. In 2002 a study was undertaken in Bolivia to give practical meaning to the concept of child agency. Secondly, in 2004/2005 an investigation was carried out on the functioning and impact of children’s organizations in Peru, Bolivia and Brazil. The applied research methods were mainly anthropological and used participant observation, (semi-) informal interviews and group interviewing with working children, their parents and adult representatives of the working children’s organizations. Both investigations show that in focussing on children as active participants, the structural constraints under which children have to live also need to be highlighted. One needs to understand how material poverty, mental deprivation and disempowerment help to shape resilience and defiance, but also anger, distrust and marginalisation.

La capacité d'action collective des populations marginalisées dans le cadre des stratégies de lutte pour la reconnaissance : les cas de Cité de l'Éternel à Port-au-Prince (Haïti) et de la Sierra Santa Catarina (Mexico)

Cette thèse analyse la capacité d’action collective des populations marginalisées situées respectivement dans un bidonville appelé Cité de l’Éternel à Port-au-Prince (Haïti) et dans des campements à la Sierra Santa Catarina, Iztapalapa (Mexico). À Port-au-Prince, avant la chute de la dictature des Duvalier, des «tontons macoutes» envahirent un terrain situé en bordure du quai de la capitale, près du boulevard Harry Truman. Après s’y être installés, ils ont procédé à la vente de parcelles destinées à la construction de logement à des particuliers. Mais après la chute de Jean-Claude Duvalier, en 1986, des gens de la populace en ont profité pour envahir ce qui restait de ces terrains marécageux. Après l’occupation, ils se sont organisés pour défendre collectivement leur propriété avant d’entreprendre, par la suite, des démarches pour y amener des services et obtenir la régularisation de leur situation sur ces territoires. À la Sierra Santa Catarina, des populations conduites par des militants d’un Front populaire ont occupé des terrains situés au pied d’une montagne de sable afin d’accéder à la propriété et de construire leur demeure. À l’instar des populations de la Cité, ces gens se sont organisés pour aménager des espaces, y ériger des logements provisoires, monter la garde afin de ne pas être déguerpis par les forces de police. Tout en travaillant pour accéder à leur manière aux services de base, elles entreprennent des actions auprès des institutions publiques afin d’obtenir la régularisation de leur situation. Par rapport à la capacité d’action collective de ces populations, les théories sociologiques sont divisées. D’un côté, certains auteurs soutiennent la thèse de l’incapacité de ces populations d’avoir des intérêts collectifs et d’agir en conséquence. Selon eux, sans une médiation sociale ou à défaut d’une agrégation et d’une représentation politiques, ces populations sont incapables d’avoir une subjectivité collective. De l’autre, des auteurs pensent qu’à partir des liens d’amitié de parenté et de voisinage, indépendamment de leurs situations socioéconomiques, ces populations peuvent créer des stratégies de subsistance et de luttes qui leur permettent de trouver des solutions à des problèmes tant individuels que collectifs. S’agissant des populations qui envahissent des terrains en milieu urbain pour habiter, les actions de ces gens là sont définis déjà comme une forme d’action collective inscrite dans des rapports sociaux qui se caractérisent par la différenciation entre les groupes sociaux dans l’accès à la propriété. Ainsi, leurs revendications de reconnaissance et de régularisation auprès des instances étatiques sont déterminées par leur mode d’accès aux biens et aux richesses inégalement réparties en Haïti et au Mexique. Les populations des deux territoires ont entrepris diverses démarches auprès de certaines institutions et réalisé des actions collectives soit pour amener des services de base tels que l’eau et l’électricité, soit pour obtenir de l’État la reconnaissance des territoires envahis, c’est-à-dire leur jonction à la cartographie de la ville. Cette reconnaissance implique non seulement l’installation des services réguliers au bénéfice de la population mais aussi l’octroi à chaque propriétaire de son titre de propriété. Si dans le cas de la Sierra Santa Catarina les démarches sont entreprises auprès des institutions publiques, dans celui de Port-au-Prince, ce sont les ONG ou les agence de coopération qui sont touchées et qui fournissent certains services à la population conformément à la priorité de leurs bailleurs de fonds. Les interventions auprès de l’État se font plutôt dans le but d’obtenir une autorisation de fonctionnement d’une association locale. Il ressort des approches théoriques et des actions collectives réalisées par ces populations qu’on ne peut pas dire qu’elles sont incapables d’avoir une subjectivité collective et des intérêts communs sans une agrégation et une représentation politique. À partir de différents liens entre les individus, des associations sont créées lesquelles permettent d’établir une médiation entre les populations et d’autres organismes. Dans le cas des campements, les actions collectives sont certainement mises à contribution par quelques leaders. Cela participe de toute une tradition politique au Mexique. Néanmoins, dans certains campements, des populations parviennent à tenir tête jusqu’à révoquer certains leaders. Au-delà de leur situation socioéconomique, de l’emprise de certains dirigeants de campement, de l’indifférence de l’État (dans le cas de Port-au-Prince, notamment), ces populations font preuve d’une étonnante capacité critique de leur situation tant dans leurs relations avec les dirigeants des associations et des campements que par rapport à l’État. Ceci pourrait soulever des doutes quant à la possibilité qu’elles soient réellement ou inconsciemment manipulées. Cela suggère la possibilité d’actions collectives autonomes de portée critique là où les circonstances le permettent Mots clés : Marginalisation, action collective, reconnaissance, Débrouille, capacité critique, bidonvilles, instrumentalisation politique, reconnaissance fragmentée.