942 resultados para intermedia agenda setting


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This paper investigates the social and environmental disclosure practices of two large multinational companies, specifically Nike and Hennés & Mauritz. Utilising a joint consideration of legitimacy theory and media agenda setting theory, we investigate the linkage between negative media attention, and positive corporate social and environmental disclosures. Our results generally support a view that for those industry-related social and environmental issues attracting the greatest amount of negative media attention, these corporations react by providing positive social and environmental disclosures. The results were particularly significant in relation to labour practices in developing countries - the issue attracting the greatest amount of negative media attention for the companies in question.

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Background
There is growing interest by funding bodies and researchers in assessing the impact of research on real world policy and practice. Population health monitoring surveys provide an important source of data on the prevalence and patterns of health problems, but few empirical studies have explored if and how such data is used to influence policy or practice decisions. Here we provide a case study analysis of how the findings from an Australian population monitoring survey series of children’s weight and weight-related behaviors (Schools Physical Activity and Nutrition Survey (SPANS)) have been used, and the key facilitators and barriers to their utilization.

Methods
Data collection included semi-structured interviews with the chief investigators (n = 3) and end-users (n = 9) of SPANS data to explore if, how and under what circumstances the survey findings had been used, bibliometric analysis and verification using documentary evidence. Data analysis involved thematic coding of interview data and triangulation with other data sources to produce case summaries of policy and practice impacts for each of the three survey years (1997, 2004, 2010). Case summaries were then reviewed and discussed by the authors to distil key themes on if, how and why the SPANS findings had been used to guide policy and practice.

Results

We found that the survey findings were used for agenda setting (raising awareness of issues), identifying areas and target groups for interventions, informing new policies, and supporting and justifying existing policies and programs across a range of sectors. Reported factors influencing use of the findings were: i) the perceived credibility of survey findings; ii) dissemination strategies used; and, iii) a range of contextual factors.

Conclusions

Using a novel approach, our case study provides important new insights into how and under what circumstances population health monitoring data can be used to influence real world policy and practice. The findings highlight the importance of population monitoring programs being conducted by independent credible agencies, researchers engaging end-users from the inception of survey programs and utilizing existing policy networks and structures, and using a range of strategies to disseminate the findings that go beyond traditional peer review publications.

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Background
Intervention research provides important information regarding feasible and effective interventions for health policy makers, but few empirical studies have explored the mechanisms by which these studies influence policy and practice. This study provides an exploratory case series analysis of the policy, practice and other related impacts of the 15 research projects funded through the New South Wales Health Promotion Demonstration Research Grants Scheme during the period 2000 to 2006, and explored the factors mediating impacts.

Methods

Data collection included semi-structured interviews with the chief investigators (n = 17) and end-users (n = 29) of each of the 15 projects to explore if, how and under what circumstances the findings had been used, as well as bibliometric analysis and verification using documentary evidence. Data analysis involved thematic coding of interview data and triangulation with other data sources to produce case summaries of impacts for each project. Case summaries were then individually assessed against four impact criteria and discussed at a verification panel meeting where final group assessments of the impact of research projects were made and key influences of research impact identified.

Results
Funded projects had variable impacts on policy and practice. Project findings were used for agenda setting (raising awareness of issues), identifying areas and target groups for interventions, informing new policies, and supporting and justifying existing policies and programs across sectors. Reported factors influencing the use of findings were: i) nature of the intervention; ii) leadership and champions; iii) research quality; iv) effective partnerships; v) dissemination strategies used; and, vi) contextual factors.

Conclusions
The case series analysis provides new insights into how and under what circumstances intervention research is used to influence real world policy and practice. The findings highlight that intervention research projects can achieve the greatest policy and practice impacts if they address proximal needs of the policy context by engaging end-users from the inception of projects and utilizing existing policy networks and structures, and using a range of strategies to disseminate findings that go beond traditional peer review publications.

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The year 2011 was memorable for many in India – for those who participated in numerous anti-corruption protests, and for those who witnessed these protests via all pervasive mainstream news media. This paper will use inter-media agenda-setting discourse to explain the Indian media’s coverage of the so-called ‘Anna movement’. It will outline how the use of mobile and social media platforms by the ‘India Against Corruption’ organisers and the educated middle class influenced the mainstream media’s coverage of the protests. The paper will consider the implication of this coverage, in the light of the unique position of power the Indian news media has in this transitioning society.

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Esta dissertação observa como se dá a relação entre a coluna política PÁGINA 10, do jornal Zero Hora, e o Partido dos Trabalhadores do Rio Grande do Sul, num período de três anos e meio até as eleições de 1998, quando o PT conquistou o governo do Estado. Neste período, em diferentes oportunidades, muitos textos da coluna motivaram manifestações de integrantes do PT, contestando a informação do colunista ou aproveitando-a para fazer críticas a adversários. A análise considera que a política e a comunicação – e dentro desta o jornalismo - são dois campos representados por PT e PÁGINA 10, respectivamente. Por isso, relata-se a formação da sociedade de comunicação, detalhando a formação do colunismo político no Rio Grande do Sul e seu posicionamento político e a formação do Partido dos Trabalhadores. Toma-se a hipótese de agenda-setting, que diz que os meios de comunicação têm capacidade de agendar a pauta da sociedade. Para ilustrar a tese, são reproduzidos tópicos da coluna que originaram manifestações de integrantes ou da direção do PT e suas respostas, como demonstração da importância dos meios de comunicação na política. Conclui-se que o PT movimenta-se para contestar muitas das manifestações do colunista – ou apenas corrigi-las, utiliza o espaço de imprensa para realizar seus embates internos ou comunicar-se com filiados e simpatizantes, que o colunismo político gaúcho tem características específicas diferentes do praticado no resto do País e que tem um perfil ideológico conservador.

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While in the social and in the ethical realms the Cardoso administration was successful, its economic outcomes were frustrating. In this administration’s eight years the investment rate did not increase and income per capita growth lagged, while the public debt and the foreign debt increased substantially. This poor economic performance may be explained by three chained causes: a mistake in agenda setting, the adoption of the Second Washington Consensus, and the alienation of elites. The decision of setting high inflation as the major problem to be tackled instead of achieving equilibrium in foreign accounts represented a major macroeconomic mistake, which can be explained by the Second Washington Consensus. This consensus proposed in the 1990s that highly indebted countries should grow counting on foreign savings, although this is not the experience among OECD countries. The outcome was to evaluate the real, to increase artificially wages and consumption, so that instead of growth what we have been increased indebtedness. Why this flopped strategy was adopted? Rich countries’ interests are not difficult to guess. On the part of Brazil, the only explanation is Brazilian elites’ alienation in relation to the country’s national interest. As a final outcome, the Cardoso administration ends with another balance of payments crisis, which was empowered by the coming presidential elections. Yet, the solvency situation of the Brazilian economy have been improving since the 1999 successful floatation of the real, so that I believe that, adopted a policy that deepens fiscal adjustment, while lowers the interest rate, and avoids new evaluation of the real, the country will eventually be able to avoid default.

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Parte do processo de descentralização iniciado no Brasil no fim da década de 1980, o movimento por uma maior permeabilidade do Estado resultou na definição de Conselhos Gestores de Políticas como peças centrais para as políticas sociais em todo o país. No entanto, a heterogeneidade brasileira de proporções continentais solicita a adequação e o ajuste de políticas públicas e instituições para responderem àsdiversas realidades locais. Este trabalho foi realizado a partir de um estudo de caso exploratório que busca responder sobre o alcance dos Conselhos como arena para discussão, encaminhamento de demandas e solução de problemas da população que habita o espaço considerado “rural” de Juruti, município amazônico repleto de especificidades e desafios comuns à região. Assim, apesar de observarmos a existência de grupos, associações e espaços similares nas comunidades para discutir necessidades e endereçar as demandas por meio da atuação engajada de lideranças locais de diversos perfis, o que se percebe é que muitos desconhecem caminhos já institucionalizados (como os Conselhos Municipais) para encaminhar suas demandas. Com um movimento alheio aos espaços legalmente constituídos, as comunidades perdem a oportunidade de participar mais ativamente da formação de agenda do município, além de ficarem de fora dos mecanismos de controle social e acesso a recursos públicos. A realização de suas demandas se transforma em moeda de troca em vez de direitos reivindicados satisfeitos, se transforma em conquistas que perdem o papel simbólico no fortalecimento organizativo das comunidades.Em uma realidade rural amazônica como Juruti, parece fundamental discutir o chamado “trabalho de base”, o que implica em considerar variáveis de extrema relevância de custo e tempo de deslocamento, além da necessária regionalização dos interesses e demandas. Percebe-se imprescindível também a rediscussão sobre os parâmetros para a definição do “rural” no país, de forma a incluir os diversos Brasis e viabilizar diagnósticos que possibilitem que particularidades como as amazônicas se reflitam em políticas públicas, em modelos de gestão municipal e em espaços participativos adequados, que dialoguem com o local.

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O objetivo dessa dissertação consiste em analisar a interação entre assessorias de imprensa de prefeituras brasileiras e jornais locais. Para tal, dois municípios são analisados, observando a relação existente entre as assessorias e os veículos. É verificado, por exemplo, a frequência com que estes publicam releases governamentais em suas páginas, o que fornece um indício chave do grau de independência da mídia local. Apresentam-se dois estudos de caso, realizado com as cidades de Bauru e Piracicaba - que, além de serem cidades prósperas, localizadas no interior do Estado de São Paulo, apresentam diversas características que as aproximam, como: número de habitantes, orçamento municipal, PIB e IDH - permitindo comparar e analisar a relação das assessorias de comunicação de suas prefeituras, com um jornal impresso local diário, de cada uma das cidades. Embasa o trabalho na teoria do agenda setting, e da relação entre mídia e democracia. Procura-se compreender ainda, de acordo com a literatura, os outros papéis da mídia, como watchdog e gatekeeper. A pesquisa demonstra que existe alto grau de correspondência na cidade de Bauru, onde 48% das vezes em que o Jornal da Cidade veiculou matérias relacionadas a prefeitura, ele o fez aproveitando de forma integral, ou parcial (com pequenas alterações), os releases enviados pela assessoria de comunicação da prefeitura. Já no caso de Piracicaba, apenas 5% das vezes em que o Jornal de Piracicaba veiculou matérias relacionadas à prefeitura, ele o fez aproveitando de forma integral, ou parcial (com pequenas alterações), os releases enviados pela assessoria de comunicação da prefeitura. Quando publica matérias sobre a prefeitura, o Jornal de Piracicaba publica matérias com 1773 caracteres, em média. Enquanto o Jornal da Cidade apresenta uma média de 2453 caracteres.

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The elections for governor in 2006 with its victory Marcelo Déda Workers Party (PT), were a landmark in the state of Sergipe, for the first time, called progressive fronts (an alliance of parties formed mostly by origin of the left) broke the hegemony of two political groups, Franco and the Alves, whose direction was in force for over 30 years. This study proceeds on the assumption that the print media has certain standards of conduct in covering the election period. Therefore, this study seeks to quantify, classify and compare data from three newspapers more representative of the State of Sergipe (Cinform, Cidade Journal and Correio de Sergipe) to analyze the behavior of these journals, such as private apparatus of hegemony in election coverage 2006. It also uses the concept of hegemony Gramsci and theories of journalism framing (Entman and Porto) and agenda setting (McCombs and Shaw) to identify these patterns

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This dissertation work is an effort to understand how the ideology and the power interferes in the signification of the speeches immersed in the context of the printed media concerning the drought in the Northeast of Brazil, weather occurrence that punishes 23 million of Brazilians, with all sort of problems. It also has specific concern about the everyday usage of the language and with the routines of the information production, without losing of sight the role of History in the formation of the identity of individuals and people. The research work is also developed in an interdisciplinary environment, applying to the formed corpus five articles from Folha de São Paulo , collected from January to July of 2005, the French Analysis method of the Speech and the theory of the polyphony of Bakhtin, in the Applied Linguistics area, accomplished with Communication beddings as the agenda-setting. The results ended to a good understanding about the ideology and power´s influence and chaining in the speeches formations as well as to comprehend peoples concept in an environment of almost-mediated interaction, bringing a media look about polyphony in the bakhtinian mold, besides showing how all these questions interferes with the half-barren the Northeast media´s vision on the subject

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC