Populism and Liberal Democracy: Populists in Government in Austria, Italy, Poland and Switzerland

The enduring electoral success of populist parties across Europe and the increasing opportunities they have gained to access government in recent years bring once more into relief the question of whether populism and democracy are fully compatible. In this article we show how, despite playing different roles in government within very different political systems, and despite the numerous constraints placed upon them (for instance, EU membership, international law and domestic checks and balances), populist parties consistently pursued policies that clashed with fundamental tenets of liberal democracy. In particular, the idea that the power of the majority must be limited and restrained, the sanctity of individual rights and the principle of the division of powers have all come under threat in contemporary Europe. This has contributed to the continuing erosion of the liberal consensus, which has provided one of the fundamental foundations of the European project from its start.

An analysis of recent changes in Spanish Coastal Law

Spanish coastal legislation has changed in response to changing circumstances. The objective of the 1969 Spanish Coastal Law was to assign responsibilities in the Public Domain to the authorities. The 1980 Spanish Coastal Law addressed infractions and sanctions issues. The 1988 Spanish Coastal Law completed the responsibilities and sanctions aspects and included others related to the delimitation of the Public Domain, the private properties close to the Public Domain, and limitations on landuse in this area. The 1988 Spanish Coastal Law has been controversial since its publication. The “European Parliament Report on the impact of extensive urbanization in Spain on individual rights of European citizen, on the environment and on the application of EU law, based upon petitions received”, published in 2009 recommended that the Spanish Authorities make an urgent revision of the Coastal Law with the main objective of protecting property owners whose buildings do not have negative effects on the coastal environment. The revision recommended has been carried out, in the new Spanish Coastal Law “Ley 2/2013, de 29 de mayo, de protección y uso sostenible del litoral y de modificación de la Ley 22/1988, de 28 de Julio, de Costas”, published in May of 2013. This is the first major change in the 25 years since the previous 1988 Spanish Coastal Law. This paper compares the 1988 and 2013 Spanish Coastal Law documents, highlighting the most important issues like the Public Domain description, limitations in private properties close to the Public Domain limit, climate change influence, authorizations length, etc. The paper includes proposals for further improvements.

República Federativa Evangélica: uma análise de gênero sobre a laicidade no Brasil a partir da atuação dos/as parlamentares evangélicos/as no Congresso Nacional no exercício da 54ª Legislatura São Bernardo do Campo

Essa pesquisa objetiva a análise da relação entre religião e política, em perspectiva de gênero considerando a atuação de parlamentares evangélicos/as na 54ª Legislatura (de 2011 a 2014) e a forma de intervenção desses atores no espaço político brasileiro quanto à promulgação de leis e ao desenvolvimento de políticas públicas que contemplem, dentre outras, a regulamentação do aborto, a criminalização da homofobia, a união estável entre pessoas do mesmo sexo e os desafios oriundos dessa posição para o Estado Brasileiro que se posiciona como laico. Ora, se laico remete à ideia de neutralidade estatal em matéria religiosa, legislar legitimado por determinados princípios fundamentados em doutrinas religiosas, pode sugerir a supressão da liberdade e da igualdade, o não reconhecimento da diversidade e da pluralidade e a ausência de limites entre os interesses públicos / coletivos e privados / particulares. Os procedimentos metodológicos para o desenvolvimento dessa pesquisa fundamentam-se na análise e interpretação bibliográfica visando estabelecer a relação entre religião e política, a conceituação, qualificação e tipificação do fenômeno da laicidade; levantamento documental; análise dos discursos de parlamentares evangélicos/as divulgados pela mídia, proferidos no plenário e adotados para embasar projetos de leis; pesquisa qualitativa com a realização de entrevistas e observações das posturas públicas adotadas pelos/as parlamentares integrantes da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica - FPE. Porquanto, os postulados das Ciências da Religião devidamente correlacionados com a interpretação do conjunto de dados obtidos no campo de pesquisa podem identificar o lugar do religioso na sociedade de forma interativa com as interfaces da laicidade visando aprofundar a compreensão sobre a democracia, sobre o lugar da religião nas sociedades contemporâneas e sobre os direitos difusos, coletivos e individuais das pessoas.

A ação civil pública no direito previdenciário

Verifica-se, na atualidade, grande multiplicação dos conflitos envolvendo a Previdência Social e seus segurados. Embora sejam vários os motivos que levam ao ajuizamento de ações previdenciárias, identifica-se em grande parte dos casos uma linha condutora que unifica os diversos litigantes (segurados e dependentes) em torno de uma questão comum. Olhando-se de longe, o que se vê é uma série de ações individuais, cada uma com suas peculiaridades, que buscam as mesmas reparações e ajustes. Há, nesses casos, o ajuizamento em massa de ações com conteúdo semelhante, o que irá gerar sentenças, recursos e execuções múltiplos e, em vários casos, apresentando soluções divergentes. Desse modo, ainda que se tratem de direitos que podem ser tutelados individualmente, há que se buscar a tutela por um prisma coletivo, de modo a se trazer efetividade e segurança na área previdenciária. E uma dessas formas consiste no uso da ação civil pública em questões previdenciárias. Mecanismo relativamente recente em nosso ordenamento, introduzido em 1985, a ação civil pública encontra-se hoje plenamente integrada àquilo que se chama de microssistema de tutela coletiva, admitindo tanto a defesa de direitos difusos, quanto de coletivos stricto sensu e mesmo de direitos individuais homogêneos. O esforço que merece atenção, portanto, consiste na caracterização do Direito Previdenciário numa dessas três categorias de direitos coletivos lato sensu, vez que a tutela no plano coletivo molda-se de acordo com o tipo de direito que se está a tutelar. Ademais, é necessário também que se afaste a interpretação restritiva já superada pela jurisprudência mais atual que exclui os Direitos Previdenciários da esfera de objetos da ação civil pública.

Constituição e modelo de mercado : uso liberal e desuso neoliberal

Tese de doutoramento, Direito (Ciências Jurídico-Políticas), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Direito, 2016

The Dangers and Inanity of (Euro-) Nationalism: From Communitarianism to Cosmopolitanism. Egmont Paper No. 77, April 2015

INTRODUCTION In the current times of multifaceted crisis, nationalism looks, more than ever, like a positive and necessary feeling. It seems both natural and indispensable if we are to have viable political and social institutions that meet the needs and preferences of all citizens. The following paper contests this vision. Its criticism of nationalism is directed not only at its national forms, but also at any defence of collective identity based on the same model, such as the various forms of European nationalism. Furthermore, the same overriding criticism can be made of different kinds of nationalism, regardless of their more or less open and progressive political content. In order to ground our argument theoretically and practically, we will try to show that nationalism is always potentially harmful to individual rights, and unnecessary for the maintenance of a just social and political system. We will thus oppose any acritical defence of the intrinsic value of a specific community and the belief in its artificial homogeneity. The historical construction of a supposedly homogeneous community, and the insistence on its values, which are perceived as superior and binding, facilitate the absorption of the individual into the collective. As we will explain further in more details, this holistic approach is typical of communitarian approaches. In that respect, it does not really matter whether they appeal to passion or to reason, to some irrational binding features of the community or to more rational political aspects of a common identity. The main problem in nationalism is not the emotion it can trigger, it is not even its reliance on particular values. What makes nationalism problematic is, firstly, that it tends to overlook the intrinsically divisive and contradictory nature of individual and collective interests in unjust societies; secondly, that it attributes an intrinsic superiority to a particular community over others; and thirdly, that it sees politics as a means to promote the interests, values or identity of that community. As an alternative, we will very briefly advocate a cosmopolitan approach that grounds political legitimacy in a demanding approach to individual freedom, rather than in a shared collective identity. However, even if only briefly, we will also carefully distinguish our own vision of cosmopolitanism from those commonly put forward. Frequently, cosmopolitan perspectives entangle their identity frameworks with concrete political projects, without clearly explaining how the latter derive from the former. Our approach to cosmopolitanism, on the other hand, is, first and foremost, a critical vision of all communitarian postulates according to which politics should be based on some form of collective identity. Thus, we insist on the conceptual distinction between a general stance on identity issues and the more practical political ideology one stands for. In a subsequent step, we link this cosmopolitan framework with a progressive approach to individual rights. Because of our demanding approach to individual freedom, our cosmopolitanism goes hand in hand with a revival of identity-free sovereignty. It is therefore distinct from the severe condemnation of sovereignty often found in most mainstream cosmopolitan positions. Finally, instead of the frequent confusion found in public discourses and in the literature between ideals and reality, our position acknowledges the deep gulf separating these two dimensions. It therefore sketches out very general strategic principles to bring normative ideals closer to political reality.

Women's political participation in Tunisia. Arab Citizenship Review No. 14, 21 January 2016

The collapse of the authoritarian regime in Tunisia in 2011 has given women new opportunities to participate in political life and in civil society activities, standing for elections (2011 and 2014) or becoming members of political parties and associations. Nevertheless, despite these advances and the already positive point of de- parture thanks to the legacy of Bourguiba, the “liberator of the country and the women”, participation of women remains unsatisfactory. While Tunisian women have enjoyed extended individual rights, especially compared to Arab women in general, since the country became independent in 1956, their political participation has remained controlled by the state.T he challenge of increasing the political participation of women, even in a democratic phase of the country’s political life, remains.The new electoral laws from 2011 and 2014 endorse parity and women rights, now guaranteed by the Constitution. However, the implementation of these rights is still at stake.

Response to Orr and Siegler - collective intentionality and procreative desires: the permissible view on consent to posthumous conception

Orr and Siegler have recently defended a restrictive view concerning posthumous sperm retrieval and conception, which would limit insemination to those cases where the deceased man has provided explicit consent for such a procedure. The restrictive view dominates current law and practice. A permissible view, in contrast, would allow insemination and conception in all but those cases where the posthumous procedure has been explicitly refused, or where there is no reasonable evidence that the deceased person desired children. I describe a phenomenology of procreative desires which supports the permissible view, and which is compatible with requirements concerning the interests of the decedent, concepts of medical infertility, and the welfare of the future child. The account illustrates how our current obsession with individual rights and autonomy can be self-defeating and repressive.

Singapore 'shared values' and law: Non east versus west constitutional hermeneutic

This article examines the apparent contradictions in Singaporean interpretation and application of its Westminster modeled Constitution in which the Constitution is treated as any other piece of legislation and Western style individual rights are easily overrun. It also examines the Government's particularist claim to Asian values as an explanation for its handling of the Constitution and seeks an alternative approach to understand the Constitution with reference to the Government publication, the Shared Values. The author suggests that this Document serves as a quasi-Constitution, and finds that interpreting two leading cases with this hermeneutic leads to a more satisfactory understanding of the court's decisions. The article concludes that the Government's approach toward the law to create the society it envisioned and published in the Document is a different and pragmatic issue, rather than a result of any fundamental East versus West cultural difference.

Representations of voluntary childlessness in the UK Press, 1990-2008

Representations of voluntary childlessness — the declaration by an individual that he or she does not wish to bear or raise children — were studied in 116 articles published in British national newspapers in the period 1990—2008. Media framing analysis was used to examine broad patterns of framing of the topic, identifying four frames: voluntary childlessness as an individual rights issue, as a form of resistance, as a social trend, and as a personal decision. These frames, it is argued, may act as potential ‘scripts’ for newspaper readers who are debating the decision to start a family.

A faithful compass: rethinking the term restorative justice to find clarity

In the field of restorative justice (rj) there is regular debate regarding the terms restorative and justice. In spite of efforts to come to a common vision, this ongoing discussion illustrates how theoretical and practical disagreements have resulted in rj being characterized as ambiguous and inconsistent within the judicial context and beyond (Gavrielides, 2008; Sullivan & Tifft, 2005; Johnstone & Van Ness, 2007). Arising out of research conducted in an education context (Vaandering, 2009), this paper identifies the impact of this ambiguity on educators. More importantly, however, it examines the term justice and discovers that an overemphasis on justice as fairness and individual rights has pulled the field off-course. The paper identifies that what is needed is a broader understanding of justice than that given in the judicial context and makes the case for justice as honouring the inherent worth of all and enacted through relationship. If understood as such, I argue that the terms restorative and justice must remain paired and in place in order to serve as a muchneeded compass needle that guides proponents of rj in the field to their desired destinations.

The Advocate Newsletter, October 26, 2015

Celebrate the individual rights of long-term care residents in October during Residents' Rights Month. "E" is for Empowerment.

The Advocate Newsletter, October 19, 2015

Celebrate the individual rights of long-term care residents during Residents' Rights Month. "R" is for Rights.

The Advocate Newsletter, October 12, 2015

Celebrate the individual rights of long-term care residents during Residents' Rights month. "A" is for Access.

Model jurysdykcji sądowej w postępowaniu sądowoadministracyjnym a konstytucyjne funkcje sądów administracyjnych

Wydział Prawa i Administracji: Katedra Prawa Konstytucyjnego