Presidential vetoes, 1789-1988 /

Mode of access: Internet.

The control of American foreign relations /

Includes bibliographical references and index.

L'exercice du pouvoir exécutif dans la constitution de 1791 ...

Thèse--Univ. de Dijon.

Arrêt de la cour de parlement, rendu les chambres assemblées, les pairs y séant : qui condamne un imprimé ayant pour titre, Histoire secrète de la cour de Berlin, ou, Correspondance d'un voyageur françois, à être lacéré et brûlé par l'exécuteur de la haute-justice. Extrait des registres du parlement. Du dix février mil sept cent quatre-vingt-neuf.

Caption title.

Speech of Mr. Livingston, of Louisiana, on Mr. Foot's resolution, proposing an inquiry into the expediency of abolishing the office of Surveyor General of Public Lands, and for discontinuing further surveys, &c.

Mode of access: Internet.

Speech of Mr. Livingston, of Louisiana, on Mr. Foot's resolution, proposing an inquiry into the expediency of abolishing the office of Surveyor General of Public Lands, and for discontinuing further surveys, &c., delivered in the Senate of the United States, February 29, 1830.

Mode of access: Internet.

Du pouvoir exécutif dans les grands états /

Goldsmiths'-Kress no. 15477.

Presidential government in the United States; the unwritten constitution.

Bibliography: p. [281]-296.

Presidential vetoes, 1789-1988 /

Includes index.

UMA JUVENTUDE ORGANIZADA E NÃO-PARTICIPATIVA: UM ESTUDO DE CASO SOBRE UMA GESTÃO JOVEM EM SÃO BERNARDO DO CAMPO

Esta pesquisa estuda a existência e atuação de uma organização da sociedade civil em São Bernardo do Campo (SBC). A partir da utilização de ferramentas da participação cidadã, em especial a que constitui o Orçamento Participativo, ela analisa se e como esta organização se relaciona com os munícipes e com as esferas do poder executivo na busca por uma proposta de governo que atenda aos anseios daqueles a que representa, além das próprias aspirações. O estudo busca, através de um relato histórico, contextualizar o município pelos aspectos econômicos, políticos e sociais. A partir de levantamentos bibliográficos e acompanhamento, por meio de entrevistas, realizou-se um estudo de caso em uma entidade social não governamental que tem especial olhar sobre o jovem cidadão são-bernardense, a fim de verificar como esta entidade é planejada e gerida para atender às aspirações sociais destes. Espera-se, ao final, entender como uma organização da sociedade civil, em consonância com o que pretende para si mesma, reflete seus objetivos nas propostas e plenárias de Orçamento Participativo de SBC, realizadas em 2010 para o ano 2011.(AU)

The Presidents in the French Fifth Republic

This volume brings together French and British scholars of France to analyse one of French politics' most intellectually compelling phenomena, the presidency of the republic. It examines the strengths and weaknesses of that leadership as well as the way that executive power has been established in the Fifth Republic; how presidential power and the subsequent full scale development of 'personality politics' developed within an essentially party-driven, democratic and, most importantly, republican system. Hence the authors in this volume examine the phenomenon of a strong presidency in the French republican framework. The individual chapters focus on the presidency and upon the individual presidents and the way in which they have addressed their own relation to the presidencies they presided over on top of a range of other factors informing their terms of office. A conclusion sums up and appraises the contemporary role of the French presidency within the party system and the republic. The project has generated a great deal of interest in the French political studies community.

Departmental elections and the changing landscape of French politics

The departmental elections of March 2015 redrew the French political landscape, setting the new terms of electoral competition in advance of the regional elections of December 2015 and, more critically, the presidential election of April–May 2017. These elections saw the far-right National Front (FN) come top in both rounds only to be outmanoeuvred by the mainstream parties and prevented from winning a single department. As a case study in vote–seat distortion, the elections highlighted a voting system effective in keeping the FN out of executive power but deficient in terms of democratic representation and inadequate as a response to the new tripartite realities of France's changing political landscape.

A költségvetési hiány politikai gazdaságtana (The political economy of budgetary deficit)

A fejlett ipari országokra a hetvenes évektől mind inkább jellemző tartós költségvetési hiányt sem a keynesi, sem pedig a neoklasszikus elmélet nem tudta kielégítően magyarázni. Az új politikai gazdaságtan azonban, úgy tűnik, sikerrel tárta fel nemcsak a tartós hiány és a növekvő eladósodottság okait, hanem a fiskális politikai teljesítményben országok között és időben mutatkozó jelentős eltérések forrásait is. A siker elsősorban annak köszönhető, hogy az új politikai gazdaságtan a költségvetési politika alakításának politikai és intézményi korlátai felé fordult, azzal a nem titkolt szándékkal, hogy kiterjessze a főáramú közgazdaságtan határait, és beépítse modelljeibe a gazdaságpolitikai döntéshozatal folyamatát. Tanulmányunkban négy átfogó magyarázatot tekintünk át - ezek: 1. az adósságállomány stratégiai használata, 2. a stabilizáció elodázása, 3. a politikai és választási rendszerek különbözősége és 4. a gyenge vagy széttöredezett végrehajtói hatalom -, azzal az egyértelmű igénnyel, hogy a szokásos pozitív elemzést normatív vizsgálódással egészítsük ki. / === / Neither Keynesian nor Neoclassical theory managed to explain adequately the increasingly typical state of chronic budgetary deficit found in developed industrial countries since the 1970s. But the new political economy seems to have revealed the causes of the chronic deficit and mounting indebtedness and of the reasons for the marked differences in fiscal-policy performance between countries and periods. The success can be ascribed primarily to the fact that the new political economy turned to the political and institutional constraints on the formation of budgetary policy, with the unconcealed aim of broadening the bounds of mainstream economics and building the policy-making process into it. The study examines four comprehensive explanations: 1. strategic use of debt stock, 2. postponement of stabilization, 3. differences of political and electoral systems, and 4. weak or fragmented executive power, with the clear intention of complementing the customary positive analysis with a normative examination.

The American politics of a Jewish Judea and Samaria

This dissertation poses a set of six questions about one of the Israel Lobby's particular components, a Potential Christian Jewish coalition (PCJc) within American politics that advocates for Israeli sovereignty over "Judea and Samaria" ("the West Bank"). The study addresses: the profiles of the individuals of the PCJc; its policy positions, the issues that have divided it, and what has prevented, and continues to prevent, the coalition from being absorbed into one or more of the more formally organized components of the Israel Lobby; the resources and methods this coalition has used to attempt to influence U.S. policy on (a) the Middle East, and (b) the Arab-Israeli conflict in particular; the successes or failures of this coalition's advocacy and why it has not organized; and what this case reveals about interest group politics and social movements in the United States. This dissertation follows the descriptive-analytic case-study tradition that comprises a detailed analysis of a specific interest group and one policy issue, which conforms to my interest in the potential Christian Jewish coalition that supports a Jewish Judea and Samaria. I have employed participant observation, interviewing, content analysis and documentary research. The findings suggest: The PCJc consists of Christian Zionists and mostly Jews of the center religious denominations. Orthodox Jewish traditions of separation from Christians inhibit like-minded Christians and Jews from organizing. The PCJc opposes an Arab state in Judea and Samaria, and is not absorbed into more formally organized interest groups that support that policy. The PCJc's resources consist of support and funding from conservatives. Methods include use of education, debates and media. Members of the PCJc are successful because they persist in their support for a Jewish Judea and Samaria and meet through other organizations around Judeo-Christian values. The PCJc is deterred from advocacy and organization by a mobilization of bias from a subgovernment in Washington, D.C. comprising Congress, the Executive branch and lobby organizations. The study's results raise questions about interest group politics in America and the degree to which the U.S. political system is pluralistic, suggesting that executive power constrains the agenda to "safe" positions it favors.

Rada Federalna i Prezydent Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej. Specyfika i ewolucja rozwiązań kreowania władzy wykonawczej

Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the ‘magical formula’ that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government.