241 resultados para devotional


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À l’aide des écrits d’humanistes chrétiens, ayant exercé un contrôle sur la pratique des arts après le Concile de Trente, nous tenterons d’expliquer le développement du genre paysager en peinture. Le cardinal Federico Borromeo, Louis Richeôme ainsi que Jean Calvin figurent parmi les théologiens qui ont contribué à cette littérature chrétienne influente. Nous nous servirons surtout de l’historiographie récente afin de prouver le rôle essentiel joué par la pensée chrétienne dans le développement de la représentation de la nature en art. Prenant appui sur certaines études importantes, nous analyserons des exemples tant picturaux qu’architecturaux qui reflètent cette influence chrétienne sur la perception de la nature. Au préalable, nous tenterons de dresser un portrait de l’environnement culturel et religieux dans lequel ces humanistes chrétiens ont vécu et développé leur pensée. Notre objectif sera de prouver que l’humanisme chrétien a joué un rôle important pour l’essor du paysage à l’époque de la Contre-Réforme. Les sources contemporaines ainsi que leur interprétation par les historiens et les historiens d’art modernes permettront de mieux comprendre le rôle joué par la pensée chrétienne au sein de ce développement artistique.

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Pour respecter les droits d’auteur, la version électronique de ce mémoire a été dépouillée de certains documents visuels et audio‐visuels. La version intégrale du mémoire a été déposée au Service de la gestion des documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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Au moment où se poursuit l’établissement des princes de l’Église dans la campagne romaine par la construction de somptueuses villas, le Concile de Trente (1545-1563) adopte une série de décrets qui entendent réaffirmer les dogmes catholiques et réformer les mœurs du clergé, critiqués par les protestants. Puisque la villa est perçue au 16e siècle comme un lieu où le fidèle peut faire l’expérience d’une retraite spirituelle, ce mémoire souhaite lever le voile sur les pratiques dévotionnelles suburbaines post-tridentines. Pour ce faire, les cycles picturaux de trois chapelles de villas romaines dont la décoration a été réalisée à la suite de cet important concile sont examinés : la chapelle du palazzo Farnese à Caprarola, appartenant au cardinal Alessandro Farnese (1520-1589), la chapelle de la villa d’Este à Tivoli, construite pour le cardinal Ippolito II d’Este (1509-1572), et la chapelle de la villa Mondragone à Frascati, commanditée par le cardinal Marco Sittico Altemps (1533-1595) pour le pape Grégoire XIII (1502-1585). Il s’agit de vérifier l’impact des pratiques dévotionnelles sur le choix des décors dans ces lieux de culte privés. S’attarder à la perception du regardeur de l’époque et au rapport spirituel du public à l’image implique que nous analysions notre corpus à l’aide d’un cadre anthropologique.

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The late historian Robin Evans, takes up the debate symbolised between Wblfflin, proposing that meaning is directly accessible through the form of a building, and Wittkower, arguing that meaning lies behind the form of architecture, in other texts and ideas. The focus of their argument is the centralised church of the Renaissance, which holds a special place in the history of architecture for all three historians. Evans' argument makes detours into the histories of theology, geometry and mathematics attempting to find how architecture participates with these fields. He concludes that architecture, in its singular artistic physicality "suspends our disbelief in the ideal", offering a world that does not reflect culture, in all its fullness, but rather supplements culture's incompleteness. Architecture, like art is able to resolve that which in society and in other fields remains a contradiction, giving a picture (albeit fictional) of a harmonious and unified order. Does architecture aspire towards transcendence, if so, what is transcendental value in architecture? In this essay I want to turn to Hagia Sofia (Istanbul, 532-537), a church that marks the beginning of a Christian empire relocated to the East of Rome, in Constantinople, built one thousand years before the Renaissance churches; and a building that symbolises the shift towards a domed centralised form, away from a basilica form. Hagia Sofia is an architecture, observed and described in an almost devotional manner, as though addressing the architecture of the church is equivalent to a pious person addressing the church itself, and more significantly, addressing the Divine figure of God, through the architecture of the church. What role does Hagia Sofia play in the kind of artistic mastery that Evans is proposing?

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The study by Robin Evans of the centralised churches of the Renaissance explores the idea of centrality, and argues that architecture does not simply invest in one geometric centre. Evans’s analysis makes detours into the histories of theology, geometry and mathematics attempting to find how architecture participates with these fields. In a footnote, he suggests that architecture in its singular artistic physicality ‘suspends our disbelief in the ideal’, offering a world that does not reflect culture, in all its fullness, but rather supplements culture’s incompleteness. This idea reiterates psychoanalytic theories of Freud and Kristeva that qualify the notion of transcendence with the psychoanalytic concept of transference. Architecture, like art, is able to resolve that which in society and in other fields remains a contradiction, giving a picture (albeit fictional) of a harmonious and unified order and wholeness. In this essay, I turn to Hagia Sofia (532–537AD) in present-day Istanbul, a church that marks the beginning of a Christian empire relocated to Constantinople, East of Rome, and built one thousand years before the Renaissance churches discussed by Evans. Hagia Sofia is a building that symbolises the shift towards a domed centralised form, away from a basilica form, and a building that develops an innovative interior. Hagia Sofia is usually observed and described in a devotional manner, as though addressing the architecture of the church is equivalent to a pious person addressing the church itself, and more significantly, addressing the Divine figure of God, through the architecture of the church. Its influence on Islamic mosque design has been noted. What rôle does Hagia Sofia play in the kind of artistic mastery that Evans is proposing, and what other dimensions of centrality and transcendence in architecture are offered by a study of Hagia Sofia?

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The object of this work is a fellowship of São Sebastião e Nossa Senhora do Rosário in the city of Jardim do Seridó (RN), that is, a black catholic fellowship on the sertão potiguar. The devotion to Nossa Senhora do Rosário, in colonial Brazil, organizes itself through black catholic men as fellowships. They blossomed in Brazil until the abolition, getting support from the Catholic church, from owners of slaves and from the population in general − unlike others afro-Brazilian religious expression. Today, these fellowships remain active, against the sentimental pessimism of the folklore studies, and they also have a highlight position in the calendar of many cities in Brazil, and in particular in Seridó. The research s foothold is the apparent valorization of the fellowship by the local elite, attitude that hides asymmetric relationships between the group of negros do Rosário and the local authorities, having as its consequence that the members occupy a subaltern position inside their own fellowship. This subalternity take place, mainly, in the public area, where the negros do Rosário cannot represent themselves neither political nor discursively. To discuss this idea, it s done a brief historical of these catholic institutions as well as a description of the relationship between the negros do Rosário and the elites of the city. Then, the phenomenon is analyzed as folklore and/or religion , under the perspective of many agents that participate in this process. In other moment, it is going to be presented how the group formulates their own representation of the history, of the devotional forms and of their own political-religious experiences. In this sense, an ethnography of the subalternity is understood as an analysis of the process that leads the negros do Rosário to become a subaltern group. It s also outlined the perception that the group has of its own position, through an ethnography essay of the subaltern subject. The research, focused in the group of Rosário, was done between August 2010 and January 2012 and includes other agents (like treasurers, priests and intellectuals). Besides that, as a methodological complement, there are documental research, photography, as well as shoots of the party days and public presentation

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Pós-graduação em Artes - IA

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Examination of scatological motifs in Théophile de Viau’s (1590-1626) libertine, or ‘cabaret’ poetry is important in terms of how the scatological contributes to the depiction of the Early Modern body in the French lyric.1 This essay does not examine Théophile’s portrait of the body strictly in terms of the ‘Baroque’ or the ‘neo-Classical.’ Rather, it argues that the scatological context in which he situates the body (either his, or those of others), reflects a keen sensibility of the body representative of the transition between these two eras. Théophile reinforces what Bernard Beugnot terms the body’s inherent ‘eloquence’ (17), or what Patrick Dandrey describes as an innate ‘textuality’ in what the body ‘writes’ (31), and how it discloses meaning. The poet’s scatological lyric, much of which was published in the Pamasse Satyrique of 1622, projects a different view of the body’s ‘eloquence’ by depicting a certain realism and honesty about the body as well as the pleasure and suffering it experiences. This Baroque realism, which derives from a sense of the grotesque and the salacious, finds itself in conflict with the Classical body which is frequently characterized as elegant, adorned, and ‘domesticated’ (Beugnot 25). Théophile’s private body is completely exposed, and, unlike the public body of the court, does not rely on masking and pretension to define itself. Mitchell Greenberg contends that the body in late sixteenth-century and early seventeenth-century French literature is often depicted in a chaotic manner because, ‘the French body politic was rent by tumultuous religious and social upheavals’ (62).2 While one could argue that Théophile’s portraits of a syphilis-ridden narrators are more a reflection of his personal agony rather than that of France as a whole, what emerges in Théophile is an emphasis on the movement, if not decomposition of the body.3 Given Théophile’s public persona and the satirical dimension of his work, it is difficult to imagine that the degeneration he portrays is limited only to his individual experience. On a collective level, Théophile reflects what Greenberg calls ‘a continued, if skewed apprehension of the world in both its physical and metaphysical dimensions’(62–3) typical of the era. To a large extent, the body Théophile depicts is a scatological body, one whose deterioration takes the form of waste, disease, and evacuation as represented in both the private and public domain. Of course, one could cast aside any serious reading of Théophile’s libertine verse, and virtually all of scatological literature for that matter, as an immature indulgence in the prurient. Nonetheless, it was for his dissolute behavior and his scatological poetry that Théophile was imprisoned and condemned to death. Consequently, this part of his work merits serious consideration in terms of the personal and poetic (if not occasionally political) statement it represents. With the exception of Claire Gaudiani’s outstanding critical edition of Théophile’s cabaret lyric, there exist no extensive studies of the poet’s libertine œuvre.4 Clearly however, these poems should be taken seriously with respect to their philosophical and aesthetic import. As a consequence, the objective becomes that of enhancing the reader’s understanding of the lyric contexts in which Théophile’s scatological offerings situate themselves. Structurally, the reader sees how the poet’s libertine ceuvre is just that — an integrated work in which the various components correspond to one another to set forth a number of approaches from which the texts are to be read. These points of view are not always consistent, and Théophile cannot be thought of as writing in a sequential manner along the lines of devotional Baroque poets such as Jean de La Ceppède and Jean de Sponde. However, there is a tendency not to read these poems in their vulgar totality, and to overlook the formal and substantive unity in this category of Théophile’s work. The poet’s resistance to poetic and cultural standards takes a profane, if not pornographic form because it seeks to disgust and arouse while denigrating the self, the lyric other, and the reader. Théophile’s pornography makes no distinction between the erotic and scatological. The poet conflates sex and shit because they present a double form of protest to artistic and social decency while titillating and attacking the reader’s sensibilities. Examination of the repugnant gives way to a cathartic experience which yields an understanding of, if not ironic delight in, one’s own filthy nature.

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La tesi si occupa della «processione con Misteri» organizzata da Carlo Bascapè, preposito generale dei Barnabiti, a Milano, la notte del venerdì santo, a partire dal 1587. Di questo importante rito processionale sono giunte fino a noi diverse testimonianze documentarie, conservate presso l’Archivio Storico dei Barnabiti a Milano, che sono state il cuore di questa ricerca. La processione è una grande meditazione pubblica dove la musica svolge un ruolo molto importante. Il percorso che ho seguito è stato teso a rendere ragione delle motivazioni drammatiche e devozionali della processione, per poi approdare al significativo ruolo che la componente musicale svolgeva nel rito stesso. Nel primo capitolo ho rievocato la figura di Carlo Bascapè (1550-1615), inserendo la sua figura all’interno delle esperienze storiche nelle quali si è formato (la Milano di san Carlo Borromeo e l’Ordine dei Chierici regolari di San Paolo). Nel secondo capitolo ho scandagliato le radici devozionali alla base della processione (i concetti di devozione e orazione) e messo a fuoco il ruolo della musica nell’esperienza religiosa dei Barnabiti e, in particolar modo, di Carlo Bascapè. Il terzo capitolo si concentra sulle principali modalità di rappresentazione e meditazione della passione di Cristo. Nel quarto capitolo ho ricostruito, attraverso una lettura dei documenti, e con approfondimenti tratti dalla letteratura devozionale tardocinquecentesca sulla passione, i vari aspetti della processione e i suoi protagonisti (religiosi, nobili della città di Milano, musicisti), e, infine, ho messo in luce gli aspetti devozionali e drammaturgici. Nel quinto capitolo ho analizzato le musiche superstiti, pervenendo alla conclusione che ogni aspetto musicale era concepito tenendo ben presenti i due aspetti su cui era imperniata la processione: la rappresentazione della passione e l’immedesimazione dei fedeli. L’ultima parte della tesi consiste, infine, nella trascrizione dei documenti archivistici, nella loro parte testuale e musicale.

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Il lavoro che presento propone un’analisi di una chiesa africana indipendente in Italia, la Celestial Church Of Christ Worldwide (CCCW), cercando di mettere in luce il nesso tra religione, migrazione e il processo di ‘plunting churches’ (Kooning 2009) nel contesto italiano. Attraverso una ricerca sul campo, sono stati indagati i percorsi personali, familiari e comunitari dei membri di una ‘Celestial Parish’ presente nel comune di Brescia, ‘Ileri Oluwa Parish’, al fine di comprendere la natura dei processi identitari coinvolti nell’organizzazione della CCC in Italia. ‘Ileri Oluwa Parish’, in quanto luogo che denota una ‘chiesa individuale collegata ad una Diocesi’ (CCC Constitution (CCC Constitution, 107 (d) si rivela, nella materialità delle sue forme e dei ‘Devotional Services’ che in essa si svolgono, a ‘field of action’ (Lefebvre, 1991). La storia della chiesa, i fondamenti della sua dottrina e i significati comunicati attraverso le forme rituali e religiose che la stessa promuove, sono stati contestualizzati alla luce delle tensioni e delle strategie di potere che strutturano il campo. Le storie dei membri della parrocchia, percorsi di migrazione e mobilità in itinere, rappresentano la lente attraverso cui si è guardato alle relazioni vissute nel nome dello ‘Spirito’, e alla percezione stessa di ciò che gli stessi Celestians definiscono sacro, santo, puro e impuro. Lo sguardo fisso alla vita ordinaria di una Celestial parish in Italia, esteso nell’ultima parte dell’elaborato alla Celestial parish londinese, è stato fondamentale per capire l’intreccio di relazioni spirituali, reti familiari e mobilità degli individui sul territorio italiano ed europeo, processo che ribalta la condizione diasporica della CCC, trasformando una condizione di dispersione in un valore aggiunto, nella possibilità di nuove traiettorie territoriali e spazi di presenza religiosa e socioeconomica.

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In one popular devotional poster the Indian god-man Shirdi Sai Baba (d. 1918) gazes out at the viewer, his right hand raised in blessing. Behind him are a Hindu temple, a Muslim mosque, a Sikh gurdwara, and a Christian church; above him is the slogan, “Be United, Be Virtuous.” In his lifetime, Shirdi Sai Baba acquired a handful of Hindu and Muslim devotees in western India. Over the past several decades, he has been transformed from a regional figure into a revered persona of pan-Indian significance. While much scholarship on religion in modern India has focused on Hindu nationalist groups, new religious movements seeking to challenge sectarianism have received far less attention. Drawing upon primary devotional materials and ethnographic research, this article argues that one significant reason for the rapid growth of this movement is Shirdi Sai Baba’s composite vision of spiritual unity in diversity, construed by many devotees as a needed corrective to rigid sectarian ideologies.

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Sensation is the subject of a burgeoning field in the humanities. This volume examines its role in the religious changes and transformations of early modern Europe. Sensation was not only central to the doctrinal disputes of the Reformation, but also critical in shaping new or reformed devotional practices. From this vantage point the book explores the intersections between the world of religion and the spheres of art, music, and literature; food and smell; sacred things and spaces; ritual and community; science and medicine. Deployed in varying, often contested ways, the senses were essential pathways to the sacred. They permitted knowledge of the divine and the universe, triggered affective responses, shaped holy environments, and served to heal, guide, or discipline body and soul.

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The study focuses on gender norms and practices in Chinese Christian communities established by Jesuit missionary activity during the long seventeenth century. It analyzes how European and Chinese gender norms and practices affected each other in the context of the Sino-Western cultural contact initiated by the missionaries. The thesis consists of two parts. First, it analyzes the ways in which European Jesuits engaged with Chinese gender relations in the course of their mission in China. The study demonstrates that the Jesuits’ adoption of the Chinese scholar-gentry’s habitus entailed a partial adaptation to Confucian gender norms. The latter placed great emphasis on gender segregation and therefore discouraged direct communication between missionaries and Chinese women. This resulted in the emergence of organizational and devotional arrangements of Christian communities specific to China. Second, the study discusses Chinese Christian women's religious culture that emerged in the absence of a strong missionary presence among female devotees. It points out that Chinese Christian women created their own ritual culture and religious sociability in the domestic context, and that they actively took part in shaping Chinese Christianity as masters of domestic rituals.

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En este artículo estudiamos la integración de los jesuitas desterrados de los territorios de Carlos III, concretamente de los que pertenecían a las Provincias de Castilla y México, a lo largo de su destierro en Bolonia. Observamos, en una primera parte, su día a día, desde que llegaron hasta su instalación definitiva y los iniciales enfrentamientos con sus hermanos: los jesuitas italianos, para analizar después, la huella devocional y personal que nos han legado y que hemos rastreado en alguno de los archivos parroquiales de esta ciudad.