¿Se puede hablar de un "patronazgo estatal"? Liturgias y misthophoría en la Atenas Clásica

Este trabajo se propone discutir la caracterización de ciertas prácticas de patronazgo en la Atenas Clásica como formas de "clientelismo estatal". Para la pólis griega las definiciones de estado no parecen adecuarse a sus prácticas sociales. Concretamente, la existencia de relaciones políticas ejercidas por la democracia, expresión del poder del dêmos, no expresan relaciones políticas que permitan una exclusividad en el monopolio de la coerción. En consecuencia, no hay ni separación entre sociedad civil y sociedad política, ni tampoco hay un aparato político que se distinga en su ejercicio sobre aquellos que constituyen el cuerpo soberano. De este modo la existencia de relaciones de patronazgo parecen ubicarse en la tensión surgida entre los mecanismos de reciprocidad y redistribución que los miembros de la elite usufructúan como modo de adquirir prestigio y preponderancia política en el seno de su comunidad, y las demandas del pueblo, de modo que a este último le resulta posible instrumentarlas a su favor

La ciudadanía política de las mujeres y las elecciones de 1951

Este estudio analiza los derechos políticos de las mujeres en la Argentina después de la ley 13010 (1947) que les permitió acceder al voto y se electas. El propósito del artí culo es comprender tres diferentes dimensiones de la ciudadanía política. Primero, se enfoca en un grupo de mujeres que votaron por primera vez en 1951 con el objetivo de comprender sus ideas sobre su nuevo status. Segundo, se analiza el comportamiento electoral de varones y mujeres en las urnas en 1951. Tercero, se explora cómo Eva Perón influenció la percepción de la representación y los límites del poder femenino en las relaciones políticas.

¿Se puede hablar de un "patronazgo estatal"? Liturgias y misthophoría en la Atenas Clásica

Este trabajo se propone discutir la caracterización de ciertas prácticas de patronazgo en la Atenas Clásica como formas de "clientelismo estatal". Para la pólis griega las definiciones de estado no parecen adecuarse a sus prácticas sociales. Concretamente, la existencia de relaciones políticas ejercidas por la democracia, expresión del poder del dêmos, no expresan relaciones políticas que permitan una exclusividad en el monopolio de la coerción. En consecuencia, no hay ni separación entre sociedad civil y sociedad política, ni tampoco hay un aparato político que se distinga en su ejercicio sobre aquellos que constituyen el cuerpo soberano. De este modo la existencia de relaciones de patronazgo parecen ubicarse en la tensión surgida entre los mecanismos de reciprocidad y redistribución que los miembros de la elite usufructúan como modo de adquirir prestigio y preponderancia política en el seno de su comunidad, y las demandas del pueblo, de modo que a este último le resulta posible instrumentarlas a su favor

The Paradoxes of Moldovan Sports. An insight into the nature of the Transnistrian conflict. OSW Point of View, November 2011

Mutual relations in the area of sports, which in contemporary international contacts often not only reflect the true nature of political relations but sometimes even affect them, can be a valuable contribution to the analysis of this conflict’s nature. Why did the Transnistrian government, despite the use of anti-Moldovan rhetoric, agree to Transnistrian athletes representing Moldova during the Olympics and in other international competitions? Why does it accept the presence of sports teams from both banks of the Dniester playing in the same leagues? Why does Transnistria, despite being much smaller, predominate in many sports? How is it that Sheriff Tiraspol, the flagship football club of the business and political circles controlling Transnistria, managed to win the Moldovan championship ten times in a row and is the main source of players for Moldova’s national team? Does sport really ‘know no borders’ or perhaps the border on the Dniester is different than seems at first sight?

Transatlantic Conflict and Cooperation Concerning Trade Issues. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 13, July 2014

From the Introduction. Transatlantic relations have undergone significant changes within the past twenty-five years. During the Cold War era, the United States and Western Europe were bound together by a perceived common threat from the Soviet Union. Consequently, economic issues commanded less attention than security issues. After the Cold War ended, economic issues were thought to be the glue that would hold the transatlantic relationship together. Much attention was given for several years to fostering economic cooperation through the development of intergovernmental initiatives. After the terrorist incidents of September 11, 2001 in the United States, and the subsequent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, security issues again came to the forefront of the relationship. However, in contrast to the earlier era that was mainly characterized by close cooperation, disagreements between the United States and major countries of Western Europe about how to deal with the terrorist threat created severe strains in the relationship. By 2003, the third year of the George W Bush administration, transatlantic political relations had reached perhaps their lowest point since World War II. They have gradually improved since then, but with a significant setback from Wikileaks revelations, and even more serious strains resulting from the revelations by Edward Snowden concerning United States surveillance activities. Security issues have come to the forefront also in connection with regional unrest in the Middle East, EU nations’ dependence on Russian oil and gas, and Russian intrusions into Ukraine.

Prime Minister Fico’s Russian card. OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER NUMBER 175/01.07.2015

Since the beginning of the Ukrainian-Russian conflict, the position of Slovakia’s left-wing government towards Russia has been ambiguous. Bratislava has accepted the EU sanctions targeting Russia and the plan for strengthening NATO’s eastern flank. At the same time, however, Prime Minister Robert Fico’s government has maintained close political relations with the Kremlin. It has called for the intensification of Slovak-Russian economic relations and has repeatedly criticised the sanctions, speaking in tandem with Russian propaganda in so doing. Slovakia’s Prime Minister is hoping that by playing the role of one of the leaders in the EU and NATO who are most willing to cooperate with Russia, he will gain economic benefits and win votes in next spring’s upcoming parliamentary elections. Despite numerous pro-Russian gestures, Slovakia has been limiting the number of areas in which Moscow could exert pressure on Bratislava. As it strives to become independent of Russia, Slovakia has ensured possible alternative fuel supplies for itself. Moreover, it has been gradually replacing Russian-made military equipment with equipment made in the West. The Slovak government does intend to develop the country’s cooperation with Russia, including in strategic areas involving supplies and transit of oil and gas, as well as supplies of nuclear fuel. Nevertheless, it has been making efforts to gain easy access to an alternative source of supplies in each of these areas. Beset by crises, Russia has ever fewer economic cooperation opportunities to offer Slovakia, and Slovak businesses operating on the Russian market have to take into account the growing risk of insolvency of local contractors. To a great extent, therefore, Slovak-Russian relations have been reduced to rhetorical statements confirming the desire for closer cooperation, and to visions of joint projects accompanied by an ever shorter list of feasible cooperation initiatives.

GÊNERO E PODER: MULHERES DOCENTES EM INSTITUIÇÕES TEOLÓGICAS PROTESTANTES DA GRANDE SÃO PAULO

Ao escolher o tema Gênero e Poder em Instituições Teológicas Protestantes da Grande São Paulo, a intenção é problematizar as relações de gênero nestes ambientes, a partir da realidade social diferenciada em que vivem homens e mulheres na docência. Partimos do pressuposto que há relações de poder aí engendradas que encurralam as mulheres naquele gueto de disciplinas que denominamos femininas , bem como um jogo de representações sociais que justificam a estereotipação das disciplinas e naturalização destas disparidades, uma vez que o poder a todo tempo se serve da diferença para referendar a dominação e a supremacia de um sobre outro, neste caso de homens sobre mulheres. A noção de gênero no enfrentamento do problema mulherSeminário tem um lugar central quando se quer descobrir o modo pelo qual os saberes e as práticas produzidas nestes ambientes estão estreitamente ligados à produção social do feminino e do masculino - enquanto categorias consideradas atemporais e permanentes - e as relações de poder endógenas a instituição, posto que é parte de um sistema religioso, onde a política é da dialética constante, pois um ratifica o outro, ou seja, o Seminário só tem a força de exclusão que tem porque encontra legitimidade na Igreja. Todavia, ainda que as diferenças formais permaneçam, formas de resistência sempre surpreendem a dominação, especialmente pela sutileza com que se firmam. A presença de mulheres nos Seminários, algo raro há alguns anos, pode ser lida com uma estratégia para irromper a dominação, sendo um meio seguro de entrar num espaço essencialmente masculino.

The control of technological change in the motor industry:a case study

This thesis is based upon a case study of the introduction of automated production technologies at the Longbridge plant of British Leyland in the period 1978 to 1980.The investment in automation was part of an overall programme of modernization to manufacture the new 'Mini Metro' model. In the first Section of the thesis, the different theoretical perspectives on technological change are discussed. Particular emphasis is placed upon the social role of management as the primary controllers of technological change. Their actions are seen to be oriented towards the overall strategy of the firm, integrating the firm's competitive strategy with production methods and techniques.This analysis is grounded in an examination of British Leyland's strategies during the 1970s.. The greater part of the thesis deals with the efforts made by management to secure their strategic objectives in the process of technological change against the conflicting claims of their work-force. Examination of these efforts is linked to the development of industrial relations conflict at Longbridge and in British Leyland as a whole.Emphasis is placed upon the struggle between management in pursuit of their version of efficiency and the trade unions in defence of job controls and demarcations. The thesis concludes that the process of technological change in the motor industry is controlled by social forces,with the introduction of new technologies being closely intertwined with management!s political relations with the trade unions.

Hyphenated cultures: Ethnicity and nation in Trinidad

This dissertation attempts to unravel why and how postcolonial Trinidad has displayed relative stability in spite of the presence of the factors that have produced conflict and instability in other postcolonial societies.^ Trinidad's distinctive social formation began in the colonial period with a unique politics of culture among the landowning European groups, Anglican English and French Creole. Contrary to the materialist assumption of landowners' class solidarity, the development of Trinidad's plantation economy into two crops, each controlled by a separate European ethno-religious faction, impeded the integration and subsequent ideological domination of European-Christians. Throughout the nineteenth century neither group dominated the other, nor did they fuse into a single ruling class. The dynamics between them both generated recurring conflict while simultaneously creating mechanisms that limited conflict. ^ Based on original in-depth fieldwork and historical analysis, the dissertation proceeds to demonstrate that Trinidad's unique intra-class conflict within the dominant European population has produced hyphenated, as opposed to hybridized cultural elements. Supplementing the historical analysis with empirical examinations of contemporary inter-religious rituals and post-colonial politics this dissertation argues that social integration is inseparable from the question of inter-cultural mixture or articulation. In Trinidad, however, the resulting combination of distinct cultural elements is neither a "plural society" (M.G. Smith 1965; Despres 1967) nor an integrated totality in the structural-functionalistic sense (R.T. Smith 1962; Braithwaite 1967). Moreover, Trinidad does not conform to the post-structural framework's depiction of the social linkage between power and culture. The concept of cultural hybridization is equally misleading in the case of Trinidad. The underlying assumption of a monolithic European population's cultural hegemony and post-structural analysis's almost exclusive focus on the inter -class politics of culture seriously misrepresent and misunderstand Trinidadian cultural and its associated social and political relations. The dissertation examines this reflexive influence of culture not as an instrument of the powerful few but as an autonomous force that reproduces social divisions, yet restrains conflict.^

A vigilância na internet: a circulação midiática brasileira do vazamento de dados da NSA por Edward Snowden

This research seeks to understand how the problem of information security is treated in Brazil by the public thematization and also how it can affect the political and economic aspects of both Brazilian companies and government by using a study case based on the document leak event of the National Security Agency by Snowden. For this, the study case of sites, blogs and news portal coverage was carried out from the perspective of evidential paradigm, studies of movement and event concept. We are interested in examining how the media handles the information security topic and what its impact on national and international political relations. The subject matter was considered the largest data leakage in history of the NSA, which ranks as the world's largest agency of expression intelligence. This leak caused great repercussions in Brazil since it was revealed that the country was the most watched by the United States of America, behind only USA itself. The consequences were: a big tension between Brazil and the US and a public discussion about privacy and freedom on Internet. The research analyzed 256 publications released by Brazilian media outlets in digital media, in the period between June and July 2013.

A vigilância na internet: a circulação midiática brasileira do vazamento de dados da NSA por Edward Snowden

This research seeks to understand how the problem of information security is treated in Brazil by the public thematization and also how it can affect the political and economic aspects of both Brazilian companies and government by using a study case based on the document leak event of the National Security Agency by Snowden. For this, the study case of sites, blogs and news portal coverage was carried out from the perspective of evidential paradigm, studies of movement and event concept. We are interested in examining how the media handles the information security topic and what its impact on national and international political relations. The subject matter was considered the largest data leakage in history of the NSA, which ranks as the world's largest agency of expression intelligence. This leak caused great repercussions in Brazil since it was revealed that the country was the most watched by the United States of America, behind only USA itself. The consequences were: a big tension between Brazil and the US and a public discussion about privacy and freedom on Internet. The research analyzed 256 publications released by Brazilian media outlets in digital media, in the period between June and July 2013.

"Ombro a ombro com os mais fracos": a inserção de João Café Filho nos espaços do trabalhador na cidade do Natal 1922 - 1937

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze how João Café Filho constituted a discourse of advocate of the labor movement and workers in different sociability spaces. It is intended to understand, on one hand, how political relations were established between different categories of workers and the ‘middle classes’ and, on the other hand, how places were instituted to house the meeting of these relations. It a ims to understand the insertion of Café Filho in union activities in the urban world. It demonstrates specificities of the political culture in Natal emphasizing the dispute between a city politically ruled by a still reigning rural paternalistic mentality and the rise of a new way to experience the urban conflicts which appeared. Temporally, the work is delimited between 1922 (proclaimed by Café Filho himself as the initial period of his political action) and 1937 (when he broke up with Vargas and went into exile in Argentina). The research was constituted by three main document types: several published newspapers between the decades of 1920 and 1930 in the cities of Natal, Recife, São Paulo, Porto Alegre and Rio de Janeiro; the autobiographical memoirs written by Café Filho himself and memoirs of other people who lived in his time. The main pillars that have supported the work were: the concepts of society and individuals (ELIAS, 1994; 1995), political cultures (BERSTEIN, 1998) and theater of the memory (GOMES, 2004); the sociability spaces category (CERTEAU, 1994; MALATIAN, 2001; RIOX, 1996); the biography notion (DOSSE, 2009; LORIGA, 2011). We demonstrated that Café Filho acted in some sociability spaces as: the Jornal do Norte, the Federação Regional do Trabalho and the Partido Democrático Nacional. In such spaces, Café Filho, gradually, become an important leader of workers and, at the same time, linked to national entities led to the opposition that fight against the power established in the Brazilian First Republic. In Café Filho’s interpretation, workers were individuals who needed to fight against the political structures prevailing at that time because the poor living conditions and the low representativeness of this group were caused by the way the political system in the First Republic was structured. After the 1930 Movement, the 3 de Outubro Club, the Jornal and the Labor Federation of Natal were constituted in spaces where the cafeista critical discourse about the government was changed: workers should follow the official syndicalism and defend the 1930 Movement which put Vargas in the presidency of the Republic.

La política sanitaria del peronismo en Jujuy (1946-1952) : Emilio Navea y la transformación del sistema de salud pública

Este artículo se inserta analiza el complejo proceso de estructuración de las políticas sanitarias en la Argentina. Procura examinar la transformación del sistema de salud pública durante el primer gobierno peronista en Jujuy (1946-1952). En esta tarea se presta atención a la labor del máximo responsable del área sanitaria en el distrito: Emilio Navea. Son objeto de estudio sus antecedentes académicos, sus relaciones políticas, así como las iniciativas y reformas realizadas al sistema de salud local. Esta intensa actividad contribuiría de gran modo a su designación como candidato a vicegobernador, para las elecciones de 1951, en representación del peronismo jujeño.

La política sanitaria del peronismo en Jujuy (1946-1952) : Emilio Navea y la transformación del sistema de salud pública

Este artículo se inserta analiza el complejo proceso de estructuración de las políticas sanitarias en la Argentina. Procura examinar la transformación del sistema de salud pública durante el primer gobierno peronista en Jujuy (1946-1952). En esta tarea se presta atención a la labor del máximo responsable del área sanitaria en el distrito: Emilio Navea. Son objeto de estudio sus antecedentes académicos, sus relaciones políticas, así como las iniciativas y reformas realizadas al sistema de salud local. Esta intensa actividad contribuiría de gran modo a su designación como candidato a vicegobernador, para las elecciones de 1951, en representación del peronismo jujeño.

La política sanitaria del peronismo en Jujuy (1946-1952) : Emilio Navea y la transformación del sistema de salud pública

Este artículo se inserta analiza el complejo proceso de estructuración de las políticas sanitarias en la Argentina. Procura examinar la transformación del sistema de salud pública durante el primer gobierno peronista en Jujuy (1946-1952). En esta tarea se presta atención a la labor del máximo responsable del área sanitaria en el distrito: Emilio Navea. Son objeto de estudio sus antecedentes académicos, sus relaciones políticas, así como las iniciativas y reformas realizadas al sistema de salud local. Esta intensa actividad contribuiría de gran modo a su designación como candidato a vicegobernador, para las elecciones de 1951, en representación del peronismo jujeño.