883 resultados para asymptotic local power


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Background: Sociocultural theories state that learning results from people participating in contexts where social interaction is facilitated. There is a need to create such facilitated pedagogical spaces where participants share their ways of knowing and doing. The aim of this exploratory study was to introduce pedagogical space for sociocultural interaction using ‘Identity Text’.
Methods: Identity texts are sociocultural artifacts produced by participants, which can be written, spoken, visual, musical, or multimodal. In 2013, participants of an international medical education fellowship program were asked to create their own Identity Texts to promote discussion about participants’ cultural backgrounds. Thematic analysis was used to make the analysis relevant to studying the pedagogical utility of the intervention.
Result: The Identity Text intervention created two spaces: a ‘reflective space’ helped
participants reflect on sensitive topics like institutional environments, roles in
interdisciplinary teams, and gender discrimination. A ‘narrative space’ allowed
participants to tell powerful stories that provided cultural insights and challenged cultural hegemony; they described the conscious and subconscious transformation in identity that evolved secondary to struggles with local power dynamics and social demands involving the impact of family, peers and country of origin.
Conclusion: Whilst the impact of providing pedagogical space using Identity Text on
cognitive engagement and enhanced learning requires further research, the findings of
this study suggest that it is a useful pedagogical strategy to support cross-cultural
education.

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Cette thèse considère les suites de la paix d’Apamée sur le plan des relations politiques entre les États d’Anatolie et sur l’évolution de la place tenue par cette péninsule dans l’ordre géopolitique méditerranéen. Le traité d’Apamée, conclu en 188 avant notre ère entre la puissance romaine et le royaume séleucide, fut un acte diplomatique majeur pour l’Asie Mineure et l’ensemble de la région anatolienne, libérés de la domination des Séleucides. Jusqu’ici, l’historiographie traditionnelle a abordé ce sujet selon deux perspectives, à savoir l’apparition de l’impérialisme romain en Orient et la vie politique et administrative des cités égéennes. À l’inverse, cette étude se concentre sur les principales puissances politiques de la région anatolienne : les royaumes. Dans le cadre de cet espace fragmenté et diversifié, des modifications de l’équilibre géopolitique régional peuvent être mises en relation avec le bouleversement de l’ordre méditerranéen, par le croisement de sources grecques, latines et orientales, ainsi qu’en faisant usage de procédés développés par le courant de la World History. L’évolution ultérieure de la situation mise en place à Apamée est étudiée jusqu’au point de disparition d’une Anatolie dirigée par des souverains non incorporés dans l’horizon impérial des grandes puissances étrangères, situation à laquelle les ultimes défaites de Mithridate VI du Pont et de Tigrane d’Arménie face à Rome mirent un terme définitif.

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El presente trabajo analiza el tema del crimen político referido, en este caso, a la muerte violenta de Bernat Saportella, procurador del territorio de Orihuela, suceso ocurrido en 1324. El autor describe los pormenores del suceso transmitidos por la información que sobre el particular mandó realizar el rey de Aragón. Como en otros muchos casos, la muerte violenta del procurador real en Orihuela es un ejemplo más de las consecuencias trágicas que podían traer consigo las luchas políticas cuando los intereses del ppder local entraban en colisión con las necesidades del poder central defendidas por los representantes de la autoridad del rey.

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Durante las últimas décadas del siglo XVI los moriscos, amparados por el poder ducal, acapararon la producción y comercio de la seda de la villa de Pastrana, así como adquirieron cada vez mayores cotas de poder municipal. En este artículo se analiza la constitución en la villa ducal de Pastrana de un espacio de odio a causa de la competencia social entre cristianos viejos y moriscos. Este odio se tradujo en una caracterización de los moriscos, sobre todo a partir de 1572, como cristianos nuevos sospechosos. Esta experiencia estigmatizadora sería un precedente de lo que ocurriría en las primeras decadas del siglo XVII con los mercaderes portugueses que sustituyeron en el negocio de la seda a los moriscos tras su expulsión. Entonces se contruiría la imagen del portugués critptojudío.

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This thesis examines the development of state-narco networks in post-transition Bolivia. Mainstream discourses of drugs tend to undertheorise such relationships, holding illicit economies, weak states and violence as synergistic phenomena. Such assumptions fail to capture the nuanced relations that emerge between the state and the drug trade in different contexts, their underlying logics and diverse effects. As an understudied case, Bolivia offers novel insights into these dynamics. Bolivian military authoritarian governments (1964-1982), for example, integrated drug rents into clientelistic systems of governance, helping to establish factional coalitions and reinforce regime authority. Following democratic transition in 1982 and the escalation of US counterdrug efforts, these stable modes of exchange between the state and the coca-cocaine economy fragmented. Bolivia, though, continued to experience lower levels of drug-related violence than its Andean neighbours, and sustained democratisation despite being a major drug producer. Focusing on the introduction of the Andean Initiative (1989-1993), I explore state-narco interactions during this period of flux: from authoritarianism to (formal) democracy, and from Cold War to Drug War. As such, the thesis transcends the conventional analyses of the drugs literature and orthodox readings of Latin American narco-violence, providing insights into the relationship between illicit economies and democratic transition, the regional role of the US, and the (unintended) consequences of drug policy interventions. I utilise a mixed methods approach to offer discrete perspectives on the object of study. Drawing on documentary and secondary sources, I argue that state-narco networks were interwoven with Bolivia’s post-transition political settlement. Uneven democratisation ensured pockets of informalism, as clientelistic and authoritarian practices continued. This included police and military autonomy, and tolerance of drug corruption within both institutions. Non-enforcement of democratic norms of accountability and transparency was linked to the maintenance of fragile political equilibrium. Interviews with key US and Bolivian elite actors also revealed differing interpretations of state-narco interactions. These exposed competing agendas, and were folded into alternative paradigms and narratives of the ‘war on drugs’. The extension of US Drug War goals and the targeting of ‘corrupt’ local power structures, clashed with local ambivalence towards the drug trade, opposition to destabilising, ‘Colombianised’ policies and the claimed ‘democratising mission’ of the Bolivian government. In contrasting these US and Bolivian accounts, the thesis shows how real and perceived state-narco webs were understood and navigated by different actors in distinct ways. ‘Drug corruption’ held significance beyond simple economic transaction or institutional failure. Contestation around state-narco interactions was enmeshed in US-Bolivian relations of power and control.

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Two local solutions, one perpendicular and one parallel to the direction of solar gravitational field, are discussed. The influence of gravity on the gas-dynamical process driven by the piston is discussed in terms of characteristic theory, and the flow field is given quantitatively. For a typical piston trajectory similar to the one for an eruptive prominence, the velocity of the shock front which locates ahead the transient front is nearly constant or slightly accelerated, and the width of the compressed flow region may be kept nearly constant or increased linearly, depending on the velocity distribution of the piston. Based on these results, the major features of the transient may be explained. Some of the fine structure of the transient is also shown, which may be compared in detail with observations.

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Contention-based multiple access is a crucial component of many wireless systems. Multiple-packet reception (MPR) schemes that use interference cancellation techniques to receive and decode multiple packets that arrive simultaneously are known to be very efficient. However, the MPR schemes proposed in the literature require complex receivers capable of performing advanced signal processing over significant amounts of soft undecodable information received over multiple contention steps. In this paper, we show that local channel knowledge and elementary received signal strength measurements, which are available to many receivers today, can actively facilitate multipacket reception and even simplify the interference canceling receiver¿s design. We introduce two variants of a simple algorithm called Dual Power Multiple Access (DPMA) that use local channel knowledge to limit the receive power levels to two values that facilitate successive interference cancellation. The resulting receiver structure is markedly simpler, as it needs to process only the immediate received signal without having to store and process signals received previously. Remarkably, using a set of three feedback messages, the first variant, DPMA-Lite, achieves a stable throughput of 0.6865 packets per slot. Using four possible feedback messages, the second variant, Turbo-DPMA, achieves a stable throughput of 0.793 packets per slot, which is better than all contention algorithms known to date.

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The optimal power-delay tradeoff is studied for a time-slotted independently and identically distributed fading point-to-point link, with perfect channel state information at both transmitter and receiver, and with random packet arrivals to the transmitter queue. It is assumed that the transmitter can control the number of packets served by controlling the transmit power in the slot. The optimal tradeoff between average power and average delay is analyzed for stationary and monotone transmitter policies. For such policies, an asymptotic lower bound on the minimum average delay of the packets is obtained, when average transmitter power approaches the minimum average power required for transmitter queue stability. The asymptotic lower bound on the minimum average delay is obtained from geometric upper bounds on the stationary distribution of the queue length. This approach, which uses geometric upper bounds, also leads to an intuitive explanation of the asymptotic behavior of average delay. The asymptotic lower bounds, along with previously known asymptotic upper bounds, are used to identify three new cases where the order of the asymptotic behavior differs from that obtained from a previously considered approximate model, in which the transmit power is a strictly convex function of real valued service batch size for every fade state.

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Existing point estimates of half-life deviations from purchasing power parity (PPP), around 3-5 years, suggest that the speed of convergence is extremely slow. This article assesses the degree of uncertainty around these point estimates by using local-to-unity asymptotic theory to construct confidence intervals that are robust to high persistence in small samples. The empirical evidence suggests that the lower bound of the confidence interval is between four and eight quarters for most currencies, which is not inconsistent with traditional price-stickiness explanations. However, the upper bounds are infinity for all currencies, so we cannot provide conclusive evidence in favor of PPP either. © 2005 American Statistical Association.