“Studio antropologico dei resti umani appartenenti alla Famiglia principesca degli Aragona Tagliavia di Castelvetrano: l’importanza delle ossa nell’analisi storica in contesto archeologico – funerario”

Per comprendere le vicende di una famiglia illustre e nobile il cui ruolo politico e sociale in Sicilia si data alle soglie del XIV secolo, non possiamo astenerci dal ricordare i fatti e gli eventi che hanno dominato la storia siciliana e determinato l’ascesa di Castelvetrano come centro signorile per eccellenza. E’ necessario, quindi, collocare geograficamente e storicamente l’isola per inserirla all’interno di un preciso quadro socio-politico. All’origine della sua storia sono sicuramente da individuare sia il legame intercorso nei secoli tra l’Asia e l’Europa, in particolare tra l’Asia Minore bizantina e l’area mediterranea unificata proprio dall’impero di Bisanzio, sia le lotte per l’egemonia tra Chiesa e Impero, (che abbastanza presto sarà impero d’Occidente) lotte che vedono entrambe le parti impegnate a contendersi il ruolo di guida politica, morale e spirituale dell’intera cristianità medievale, ritenendo ogni altro potere subordinato al proprio.

Gender references in job advertisements – relations to job status and gender equality

Research has shown that gender references in job advertisements play an important role for gender (in)equality in personnel selection. The use of pair forms (masculine and feminine form) in German-language job advertisements, for example, was found to reduce the lack of fit between women and leadership roles (Horvath & Sczesny, 2013). Therefore the present study addresses the question which forms of gender reference are used in job advertisements, how these forms are distributed in different countries and how language use is related to gender typicality and status of the job. We collected job advertisements published online in four countries with different rankings of gender equality (i.e., Switzerland, Austria, Poland, and Czech Republic; World Economic Forum, 2011). We randomly selected 100 advertisements per country from four branches that are characterized by different proportions of female and male employees: steels/metals, science, restaurants/food services, and health care. The advertisements were analyzed with regard to gender references as well as different indicators of job status. The results show that, in general, men and women are addressed more equally in Swiss and Austrian job advertisements compared to Polish and Czech job advertisements. The results also show that women and men are addressed more equally in branches where the proportion of women is high than where the proportion of women is low. We thus can conclude that the use of gender references is associated with the degree of gender equality achieved in a country and with the gender typicality of a profession.

Reconstruyendo imaginarios sobre democracia : a propósito de las elecciones a partir de la crisis del 2001

El trabajo aborda la relación democracia y ciudadanía desde la dimensión subjetiva de la política e indaga las representaciones mentales del imaginario político sobre participación y representación ciudadana a partir de los procesos electorales. El objetivo es rescatar las significaciones que sostienen o transforman la institucionalidad democrática. La crisis del 2001 en Argentina generó nuevas formas de participación y un redimensionamiento de la democracia. Los resultados del trabajo atribuyen la escasa calidad democrática a la dirigencia política aunque abren la posibilidad de un mayor compromiso, participación y autonomía ciudadana y recuperación de lo político, como inescindible de lo social.

La ciudadanía política de las mujeres y las elecciones de 1951

Este estudio analiza los derechos políticos de las mujeres en la Argentina después de la ley 13010 (1947) que les permitió acceder al voto y se electas. El propósito del artí culo es comprender tres diferentes dimensiones de la ciudadanía política. Primero, se enfoca en un grupo de mujeres que votaron por primera vez en 1951 con el objetivo de comprender sus ideas sobre su nuevo status. Segundo, se analiza el comportamiento electoral de varones y mujeres en las urnas en 1951. Tercero, se explora cómo Eva Perón influenció la percepción de la representación y los límites del poder femenino en las relaciones políticas.

La ciudadanía política de las mujeres y las elecciones de 1951

Este estudio analiza los derechos políticos de las mujeres en la Argentina después de la ley 13010 (1947) que les permitió acceder al voto y se electas. El propósito del artí culo es comprender tres diferentes dimensiones de la ciudadanía política. Primero, se enfoca en un grupo de mujeres que votaron por primera vez en 1951 con el objetivo de comprender sus ideas sobre su nuevo status. Segundo, se analiza el comportamiento electoral de varones y mujeres en las urnas en 1951. Tercero, se explora cómo Eva Perón influenció la percepción de la representación y los límites del poder femenino en las relaciones políticas.

La ciudadanía política de las mujeres y las elecciones de 1951

Este estudio analiza los derechos políticos de las mujeres en la Argentina después de la ley 13010 (1947) que les permitió acceder al voto y se electas. El propósito del artí culo es comprender tres diferentes dimensiones de la ciudadanía política. Primero, se enfoca en un grupo de mujeres que votaron por primera vez en 1951 con el objetivo de comprender sus ideas sobre su nuevo status. Segundo, se analiza el comportamiento electoral de varones y mujeres en las urnas en 1951. Tercero, se explora cómo Eva Perón influenció la percepción de la representación y los límites del poder femenino en las relaciones políticas.

MARIA MADALENA E AS MULHERES NO CRISTIANISMO PRIMITIVO

O objetivo deste trabalho é pesquisar a liderança das mulheres no cristianismo primitivo, a partir da figura de Maria Madalena em Jo 20,1-18. A abordagem exegética, bem como a pesquisa sobre a situação das mulheres no primeiro século, aponta: a) as mulheres que seguiam a Jesus faziam parte do grupo dos discípulos, e Maria Madalena tinha uma grande influência entre eles na comunidade; b) ela acompanhou Jesus desde o início do seu ministério na Galiléia, e a sua liderança e autoridade no cristianismo primitivo lhe confere o status de discípula; c) a perícope estudada tem como contexto um conflito de lideranças entre três tradições: a joanina, a petrina e a de Maria Madalena. Comparando a perícope joanina com alguns escritos gnósticos percebemos que nesses escritos, a liderança de Maria Madalena é manifestada com maior intensidade e o conflito com Pedro é mais acentuado. Ela é considerada Mestra dos discípulos. A pesquisa não só resgata a figura de uma líder do cristianismo, como também mostra, na exegese, o processo de cooptação da liderança feminina.(AU)

MARIA MADALENA E AS MULHERES NO CRISTIANISMO PRIMITIVO

O objetivo deste trabalho é pesquisar a liderança das mulheres no cristianismo primitivo, a partir da figura de Maria Madalena em Jo 20,1-18. A abordagem exegética, bem como a pesquisa sobre a situação das mulheres no primeiro século, aponta: a) as mulheres que seguiam a Jesus faziam parte do grupo dos discípulos, e Maria Madalena tinha uma grande influência entre eles na comunidade; b) ela acompanhou Jesus desde o início do seu ministério na Galiléia, e a sua liderança e autoridade no cristianismo primitivo lhe confere o status de discípula; c) a perícope estudada tem como contexto um conflito de lideranças entre três tradições: a joanina, a petrina e a de Maria Madalena. Comparando a perícope joanina com alguns escritos gnósticos percebemos que nesses escritos, a liderança de Maria Madalena é manifestada com maior intensidade e o conflito com Pedro é mais acentuado. Ela é considerada Mestra dos discípulos. A pesquisa não só resgata a figura de uma líder do cristianismo, como também mostra, na exegese, o processo de cooptação da liderança feminina.(AU)

The International Human Rights Policies of New Democracies: Brazil and Chile in Comparative Perspective

Since the beginning of the 1990s, the majority of Latin American states have attempted to incorporate in some way or another human rights concern into their respective foreign policies, highlighting a history of human rights abuses and the return of democratic political rule as a trigger for galvanizing a commitment to assist in preventing such violations in other countries. Yet, while human rights have come to play a non-trivial role in the contemporary foreign policy of many Latin American states, there is great diversity in the ways and the extent to which they go about incorporating human rights concerns into their foreign policies. Explaining the diversity of human rights foreign policies of new Latin American democracies is at the heat of this project. The main research questions are the following: Why do new democracies incorporate human rights into their foreign policies? And what explains the different international human rights policies of new democracies? To answer these questions, this research compares the human rights foreign policies of Chile and Brazil for over two decades starting from their respective transitions to democracy. The study argues that states commitment to international human rights is the result of the intersection of domestic and international influences. At the international level, the search for international legitimacy and the desire for recognition and credibility affected the adoption of international human rights in both cases but with different degrees of impact. International values and pressures by themselves, while necessary, are an insufficient condition for human rights initiatives perceived to have not insubstantial political, economic or strategic costs. New democracies will be more or less likely to actively include human rights in their international policies depending on the following four domestic conditions: political leadership legitimizing the inclusion of human rights into a state's policies, civil society groups connected to international human rights advocacy networks with a capacity to influencing the foreign policy decisions of their government, and the Foreign Ministry's attitudes towards international human rights and the degree of influence it exercises over the outcome of the foreign policy process.

Proportionality needed in the subsidiarity debate in the EU – Appraisal of the British and Dutch initiatives. CEPS Essay No. 11, 8 April 2014

In a new CEPS Essay, Michael Emerson assesses the initiatives taken by the UK and Dutch governments to cut out excessive EU regulatory intrusion, namely in the form of the ongoing British Balance of Competences Review and the Dutch list of 54 items of EU regulation that they would like to see repealed or reformed. He concludes that while one can approve of a campaign for better EU regulation and for cutting out unnecessary micro-regulation, it would require impressive commitment by all member states and the EU institutions to follow the best features of the British and Dutch leads for this to have a real effect in the fight against populist euroscepticism. In his view, that battle will have to be won primarily with bigger weapons – some combination of better macroeconomic results, bigger foreign policy achievements and the emergence of a European-level political leadership to which the people can relate. In short, there has to be due proportionality in the diagnosis of the responsibility of inadequate subsidiarity for the EU’s ills.

Russia marks the 70th anniversary of the victory over Nazism: What significance does it have in an epoch of global confrontation? OSW Commentary No. 171, 20 May 2015

The Victory Day celebrations held in Russia on 9 May 2015 were special for marking the seventieth anniversary of the end of World War II but the particular international and domestic context they were set in was of yet greater importance. The element which set the celebrations in 2015 apart from those in the preceding years was how the military and moral aspects of Soviet victory over Nazi Germany was made part of the current geopolitical confrontation with the West concerning the Ukrainian crisis. The escalation of the aggressive rhetoric on Europe and the USA and accusations that the West is destabilising the international situation and striving for conflict was accompanied by a display of the increasing military power of the Russian Federation; the display itself was stronger than has been seen in preceding years. This was a clear sign that Moscow is ready to protect its national interests in the area of foreign policy by any means. At the same time, the creation of an atmosphere of threat and stoking patriotic feelings was intended to mobilise the Russian public around the political leadership while the country’s economic problems are deteriorating further.

Facilitating Mobility and Fostering Diversity: Getting EU Migration Governance to Respect the Human Rights of Migrants. CEPS Paper in Liberty and Security in Europe No. 92/May 2016

Migration towards Europe has surged over the past few years, overwhelming government authorities at the national and EU levels, and fuelling a xenophobic, nationalist, populist discourse linking migrants to security threats. Despite positive advances in the courts and worthy national initiatives (such as Italy’s Operation Mare Nostrum), the EU’s governance of migration and borders has had disastrous effects on the human rights of migrants. These effects stem from the criminalisation of migrants, which pushes them towards more precarious migration routes, the widespread use of administrative detention and the processing of asylum claims under the Dublin system, and now the EU–Turkey agreement. Yet, this paper finds that with the right political leadership, the EU could adopt different policies in order to develop and implement a human rights-based approach to migration that would seek to reconcile security concerns with the human rights of migrants. Such an approach would enable member states to fully reap the rewards of a stable, cohesive, long-term migration plan that facilitates and governs mobility rather than restricts it at immense cost to the EU, the member states and individual migrants.

From Zheng Qiang to Jiang Shuiying: The feminization of a revolutionary hero in Maoist theatre's 'Song of the Dragon River'

Since the 1980s, analysis of the representation of women in Maoist theatre has argued that the heroines of the Cultural Revolution model works (yangbanxi) were 'gender-less revolutionaries erased of anything feminine. This article challenges such a view through a case study of Song of the Dragon River in which the male hero of the 1964 spoken drama version was changed to a female in the 1972 yangbanxi adaptation. Evidence is presented that the characterization of the heroine in the latter work conforms closely not only with traditional beliefs in innate female characteristics but also with current Chinese beliefs in the characteristics of successful women in leadership. Rosemary Roberts is a lecturer in Chinese at the University of Queensland, Australia. She completed postgraduate studies at Beijing University in the early 1980s and has a PhD in Chinese literature from the Australian National University. She has published numerous articles and translations in the field of Chinese literature and culture and is currently writing a book on gender in Maoist theatre of the Cultural Revolution.

IDENTIDADES E TEOLOGIAS NO PRIMEIRO CÂNTICO DO SERVO DE YHWH: Estudo exegético de Isaías 42,1-9 SÃO BERNARDO DO CAMPO 2014

A identidade do Servo de YHWH sempre foi um grande desafio para a pesquisa bíblica. Quem seria esse Servo? Não se pretende saber historicamente quem foi o Servo de YHWH, pois isso é uma tarefa impossível. Pretende-se levantar algumas pistas a partir do contexto histórico e do próprio texto do Dêutero-Isaías que permita pensar na possibilidade de que uma comunidade exilada na Babilônia fosse chamada de Servo e destinada por YHWH para tal missão. Na perícope de Is 42,1-9, YHWH convoca o Servo para uma missão bem específica: fazer sair o direito para as nações. Esse direito que o Servo fará sair às nações é o direito de YHWH que se manifesta na libertação concreta de todos os encarcerados. O Servo com suas posturas silenciosas e proféticas, com sua prática solidária aos sofredores e com sua tenacidade, levará adiante esse projeto de libertação. Por meio dos procedimentos exegéticos e com referencial teórico de diferentes autores que já pesquisaram sobre esse tema, pretende-se investigar a possibilidade de que neste cântico do Servo de YHWH possa nascer uma Teologia do Servo que está em profunda sintonia com o Ser do próprio YHWH. Desta maneira, YHWH - Servo carregam um mesmo projeto concreto de libertação que tem como fundamento o direito e a justiça. Surge, então, no meio do povo sofrido, um novo modelo de liderança política.