Obispos y gladiadores: El recurso a los profesionales del anfiteatro en disputas por la elección episcopal.

[spa]La costumbre de enrolar a combatientes del anfiteatro (arenarii) como guardia personal en el marco de luchas faccionales sobrevivió durante el siglo IV. Incluso si en la mayor parte de casos este fenómeno se explica por razones políticas, conocemos dos ejemplos en los que los candidatos a obispo recurrieron a gladiadores para triunfar sobre sus oponentes. El primer ejemplo está relacionado con la elección de Silvano (en el 305 o en el 307/308), quien llegó a hacerse elegir obispo de Cirta (actual Constantine)gracias a la ayuda del arenarius Muto. Esta ayuda quedó bien demostrada por el testimonio de diversas personas durante el proceso seguido contra Silvano en el 320, en el que se reconoció su culpabilidad y se le condenó al exilio. El segundo ejemplo es el del papa Dámaso (366), elegido obispo de Roma en la iglesia de Lucina el mismo día en el que el diácono Ursino era escogido en la basílica de Julio. En el conflicto siguiente, Dámaso convocó a arenarii, quadrigari y fossores, quienes acudieron en su ayuda fuertemente armados. Éstos atacaron la basílica en la que se habían refugiado los partidarios de Ursino y el resultado del asalto fue de 137 muertos. [eng]The habit of engaging fighters of the amphitheatre (arenarii) as a personal guard in the factional struggles survived during the 4th century. Although in most cases it was about political causes, we know two examples where the candidates to be bishops turned to gladiators in order to overcome their opponents. The first example is that of election of Silvanus (305 or 307-308), who got the bishopric of Cirta (the modern Constantine) thanks to the help of the arenarius Mutus. This help was proved by the testimony of several witnesses during the trial which was followed against Silvanus in 320, where his guilt was admitted and he was condemned to the exile. The second exemple is that of the the Pope Damasus (366), elected bishop of Rome in the church of Lucina in the same day as the deacon Ursinus was elected in the basilica of Julius. In the conflict that was to follow, Damasus called arenarii, quadrigarii and fossores who came to help him heavily armed. They attacked the basilica where the supporters of Ursinus had taken refuge and as a result of the assault 137 people died.

Fingermark age determinations: legal considerations, review of the literature and practical propositions

The question of the age of fingermarks is often raised in investigations and trials when suspects admit that they have left their fingermarks at a crime scene but allege that the contact occurred at a different time than the crime and for legal reasons. In the first part of this review article, examples from American appellate court cases will be used to demonstrate that there is a lack of consensus among American courts regarding the admissibility and weight of testimony from expert witnesses who provide opinions about the age of fingermarks. Of course, these issues are not only encountered in America but have also been reported elsewhere, for example in Europe. The disparity in the way fingermark dating cases were managed in these examples is probably due to the fact that no methodology has been validated and accepted by the forensic science community so far. The second part of this review article summarizes the studies reported on fingermark dating in the literature and highlights the fact that most proposed methodologies still suffer from limitations preventing their use in practice. Nevertheless, several approaches based on the evolution of aging parameters detected in fingermark residue over time appear to show promise for the fingermark dating field. Based on these approaches, the definition of a formal methodological framework for fingermark dating cases is proposed in order to produce relevant temporal information. This framework identifies which type of information could and should be obtained about fingermark aging and what developments are still required to scientifically address dating issues.

Técnicas hemoterápicas em cirurgia renal percutânea em paciente testemunha de Jeová

Jehova's witeness patients deny to receive heterologous blood transfusion even under life risk. They also neither agree with auto transfusion when the their own blood is stored days or weeks before surgery procedures. Percutaneous renal surgery can have complications and, among them, intense hemorrhage that can demand for open surgery. The authors report a case of a 32 year old patient with complete coralliform lithiasis in the right kidney who was submitted to percutaneous renal surgery with removing 400 ml of total blood accompanied subsequently of hemodilution and blood reinfusion by the end of the procedure. A Compact Advanced from Dideco, an italian company, was used for blood recovering during surgery and reinfusing it after the filtration process, centrifugation and washing of red globules. In this particular, the authors describe a technical adaption for blood collection. Both procedures are accepted by Jehova's witness patients, once that the blood is not stored and there is contact with your veined system. This article aim to show a blood capture technical variant in the percutaneous renal surgery, as well as to present a method in similar procedures, once that is not used routinely in urological surgeries.

Let Go and Remember. How Finnish Communities Experienced and Memorialized School Shootings

This study examines the aftermath of mass violence in local communities. Two rampage school shootings that occurred in Finland are analyzed and compared to examine the ways in which communities experience, make sense of, and recover from sudden acts of mass violence. The studied cases took place at Jokela High School, in southern Finland, and at a polytechnic university in Kauhajoki, in western Finland, in 2007 and 2008 respectively. Including the perpetrators, 20 people lost their lives in these shootings. These incidents are part of the global school shooting phenomenon with increasing numbers of incidents occurring in the last two decades, mostly in North America and Europe. The dynamic of solidarity and conflict is one of the main themes of this study. It builds upon previous research on mass violence and disasters which suggests that solidarity increases after a crisis, and that this increase is often followed by conflict in the affected communities. This dissertation also draws from theoretical discussions on remembering, narrating, and commemorating traumatic incidents, as well as the idea of a cultural trauma process in which the origins and consequences of traumas are negotiated alongside collective identities. Memorialization practices and narratives about what happened are vital parts of the social memory of crises and disasters, and their inclusive and exclusive characteristics are discussed in this study. The data include two types of qualitative interviews; focused interviews with 11 crisis workers, and focused, narrative interviews with 21 residents of Jokela and 22 residents of Kauhajoki. A quantitative mail survey of the Jokela population (N=330) provided data used in one of the research articles. The results indicate that both communities experienced a process of simultaneous solidarity and conflict after the shootings. In Jokela, the community was constructed as a victim, and public expressions of solidarity and memorialization were promoted as part of the recovery process. In Kauhajoki, the community was portrayed as an incidental site of mass violence, and public expressions of solidarity by distant witnesses were labeled as unnecessary and often criticized. However, after the shooting, the community was somewhat united in its desire to avoid victimization and a prolonged liminal period. This can be understood as a more modest and invisible process of “silent solidarity”. The processes of enforced solidarity were partly made possible by exclusion. In some accounts, the family of the perpetrator in Jokela was excluded from the community. In Kauhajoki, the whole incident was externalized. In both communities, this exclusion included associating the shooting events, certain places, and certain individuals with the concept of evil, which helped to understand and explain the inconceivable incidents. Differences concerning appropriate emotional orientations, memorialization practices and the pace of the recovery created conflict in both communities. In Jokela, attitudes towards the perpetrator and his family were also a source of friction. Traditional gender roles regarding the expression of emotions remained fairly stable after the school shootings, but in an exceptional situation, conflicting interpretations arose concerning how men and women should express emotion. The results from the Jokela community also suggest that while increased solidarity was seen as important part of the recovery process, some negative effects such as collective guilt, group divisions, and stigmatization also emerged. Based on the results, two simultaneous strategies that took place after mass violence were identified; one was a process of fast-paced normalization, and the other was that of memorialization. Both strategies are ways to restore the feeling of security shattered by violent incidents. The Jokela community emphasized remembering while the Kauhajoki community turned more to the normalization strategy. Both strategies have positive and negative consequences. It is important to note that the tendency to memorialize is not the only way of expressing solidarity, as fast normalization includes its own kind of solidarity and helps prevent the negative consequences of intense solidarity.

Guilt, shame, emotion regulation, and social cognition: Understanding their associations with preadolescents' social behavior

In this thesis, two negatively valenced emotions are approached as reflecting children’s self-consciousness, namely guilt and shame. Despite the notable role of emotions in the psychological research, empirical research findings on the links between guilt, shame, and children’s social behavior – and particularly aggression – have been modest, inconsistent, and sometimes contradictory. This thesis contains four studies on the associations of guilt, shame, emotion regulation, and social cognitions with children’s social behavior. The longitudinal material of the thesis was collected as a survey among a relatively large amount of Finnish preadolescents. In Study I, the distinctiveness of guilt and shame in children’s social behavior were investigated. The more specific links of emotions and aggressive behavior were explored in Study II, in which emotion regulation and negative emotionality were treated as the moderators between guilt, shame, and children’s aggressive behavior. The role of emotion management was further evaluated in Study III, in which effortful control and anger were treated as the moderators between domain-specific aggressive cognitions and children’s aggressive behavior. In the light of the results from the Studies II and III, it seems that for children with poor emotion management the effects of emotions and social cognitions on aggressive behavior are straight-forward, whereas effective emotion management allows for reframing the situation. Finally, in Study IV, context effects on children’s anticipated emotions were evaluated, such that children were presented a series of hypothetical vignettes, in which the child was acting as the aggressor. Furthermore, the identity of the witnesses and victim’s reactions were systematically manipulated. Children anticipated the most shame in situations, in which all of the class was witnessing the aggressive act, whereas both guilt and shame were anticipated the most in the situations, in which the victim was reacting with sadness. Girls and low-aggressive children were more sensitive to contextual cues than boys and high-aggressive children. Overall, the results of this thesis suggest that the influences of guilt, shame, and social cognition on preadolescents’ aggressive behavior depend significantly on the nature of individual emotion regulation, as well as situational contexts. Both theoretical and practical implications of this study highlight a need to acknowledge effective emotion management as enabling the justification of one’s own immoral behavior.

Ancaster Treason Trials proceedings, 1814 [photocopy]

The commission was charged with indicting those individuals who had committed acts of treason during the War of 1812. The commission appointed Thomas Scott, William Dummer Powell and William Campbell to preside over the proceedings. The grand jury met at Ancaster, Ont. over 18 days in May and June of 1814 to hear the testimony of those charged with treason as well as any pertinent witnesses. On June 21, 1814 the commission indicted 15 individuals and ordered them to be hanged and quartered. This commission came to be commonly known as the Ancaster Bloody Assize of 1814.

Grantham Township Records Collection

Item one is a minute book for Grantham Township, Ontario. It records the proceedings of meetings from 1818-1854 and the names of parish and town officers from 1818 to 1842. Names include: Chisholm, Ball, Steele, TenBroeck, Shipman, Laraway, McKerney, Adams, Pawling, Merritt, Rolls, Robertson, Lampman, Phelps, Darling. Also notes the laws agreed upon for the period - mainly dealing with livestock. Item two is a report and evidence of boundary line disputes in the Township of Grantham. Includes affidavits from witnesses to the boundary dispute and a report to the Honourable the Commissioner of Crown Lands Quebec. The affadavits were recorded in 1844, and transcribed into the folio in 1852. Lewis A. Ball was the commissioner before whom the affadavits were sworn and duly recorded. Includes field notes by Frederic F. Passmore, Provincial land surveyor. The boundary lines in dispute were 1. between the 2nd and 3rd Concessions, from Lot no. 1 to Lot no. 5, 2. between the 4th and 5th concessions, from lot no. 4 to lot no. 5 and 3. between lots 14 in the 9th and 10th concession of the Township of Grantham.

Manuscript of James Cummings- August 28, 1860

Transcript (spelling and grammar retained): Chippawa [Chippewa] 28th August 1860 My Dear Sir I duly received your very kind letter of the 24th [June] asking me to communicate such facts of general interest connected with my career during the War with the United States. I have no objection to afford you such information as came under my own observation; nevertheless I do so, with the understanding, I have no desire to be my own trumpeter. With respect to your circular wherein you state you have been for several years collecting materials for a History of the late War between the United States & Great Britain, for which you are now gathering further materials to add to your collection, concerning the Second War for Independence. I am rather at a loss to know, what is meant by the second war; If you allude to the petty Rebellion, it could not be called a War, Those that caused the outbreak were very soon put down, by the Loyal people of the Province without the aid of Regular Troops being satisfied with the Independence they enjoyed. With respect to the several questions names in your circular: To the 1st I would say, this locality is made memorable by the battle of Chippawa [Chippewa] which took place about a mile above the village on the ground I pointed out to you, when I had the pleasure of seeing you a few days ago, with Mr Porter of the Niagara Falls, of which I believe you took sketches at the time. 2nd I have no historical documents of any value; so many years having gone past, the most of my old papers have either been lost or destroyed, I however came across two letters, one dated Queenston 9th July 1812 from Lt. Col. Nicholl Quarter Master General of Militia, the other from Lt. Col Myers Deputy Quarter Master General of the Regular Army date Fort George 23rd same month, directed to me in the hand writing of each of those officers as Deputy Quarter Master General of Militia, which letters I shall be obliged you would return at as early a day possible, as I wish to place them with tome others in the case, I have had made to hold the cocked hat & feather I wore during that eventful period, which I am sorry I did not exhibit when you was at my house; with reference to it I now enclose a letter from Lt. Col. Clark, residing at Port Dalhousie he was Captain & Adjutant of Militia in the War of 1812__ I send the letter in proof of the cock’d hat it is a lengthy one, but you may find time to turn over it, as I shall also place it in the hat case__ 3rd Where are [but] [for] traditionary [sic] witnesses residing in this vicinity – Col Clark above named Mr Merritt of St. Catharines, & Mr Kerby of Brantford are the only ones I now recollect, who could offord [sic] you any statistical information. 4th I have no pictorial sketches of any Military Movements or fortifications. As regards my own career, which you appear [ ? ] of knowing__ I was first a Lieutenant in a volunteer flank company stationed on the river side opposite [Navy] Island not far from the battle ground of Chippawa [Chippewa], I got promotion as Lieutenant of Cavalry before I got my Cavalry dress completed in three days more, I was called by General Brock to Fort George, was appointed Deputy Quarter Master General of Militia with the rank of Captain s the accompanying letters will show. I was at the battle of Stony Creek, several skirmishes at the Cross Roads, when the American army [ ? ] Fort George, at the taking of Col. Boerstler at the Beaver Dam, & had the honor of receiving Colonel Chapens sword at the surrender, who commanded a company of volunteer Horse Men was at the taking of 15 regulars & two officers at Fort Schlosser—was with Col. Bishop at the taking of Black Rock, near him when he fell, three men of the 8th Reg. more killed in the Boat I was in – I was at Chippawa battle, and the last, not the least in Lundy’s lane battle, which the Americans call the battle of Bridge [Waters]. I had forgot; there was another small affair at Corks Mill where I was. I could write a little history of events, but have not the time to do so. If what I have stated will be of any service for the purpose you require I shall feel happy. The history of the late War was published at Toronto in the Anglo American Magazine. Did you ever see it, I have the Books, there were however several errors which came under my notice, which I could have corrected. If my time would permit I could give you a more detailed statement of events. I trust however you may succeed with your publication , and I shall be most happy to hear from you at all times—I related many little occurances verbally to you when here, which I thought not necessary to repeat again as you would have a perfect recollection of them. Be pleased to return the letters for the purpose I require them. I am My Dear Sir Your respectful friend James Cummings

Clopton Charter

Translation of Clopton Charter Let those who are present and those in future know that I Robert de Clopton gave and granted to my son, William, one yardland which is part of the Clopton estate / manorial demesne with all its appurtenances in exchange for his homage and service , and that I have confirmed it with this charter . The yardland in question is that which he once held as heriot / heritable property . [I have given and granted it to him] to be held and kept by him and his heirs freely and undisputedly as a holding granted in return for services and as hereditable property from me and my heirs. For this he has to pay an annual rent of twelve silver pennies, in two installments per year: six on the Feast Day of St. Michael and six on the Feast Day of St. Mary in March , on the income that belongs to me and to my heirs, without neglecting income from elsewhere; together with all goods and privileges attached to the aformentioned land in the form of fields and pastures and everything which belongs to said yardland. And I, Robert, and all my heirs shall warrant all this aforementioned yardland together with all its appurtenances to said William and his heirs against all other claims in perpetuity . However, in order that this gift and grant of mine may remain firm and immovable, I have validated this charter with my seal in the presence of [the following] witnesses: the knights Sir William of Ludinton [and] Sir Robert of Valle. William of Edricheston, William of Waleford, Robert of Sidesam, Richard of Ludinton, Nicholas the scribe , and others.

Marriage Certificate - Percy Carruthers Band and Margaret Julia Woodruff

A marriage certificate of Percy Carruthers Band of the city of New York, U.S.A. and Margaret Julia Woodruff of St. Catharines, Ontario, November 25, 1919. The witnesses are C.S. Band and M.S. Walker. The marriage is registered in St. George's Church.

Last Will and Testament - James Senior

Last Will and Testament of James Senior of Niagara Township leaving all his goods and chattels and part of Lot 94 in Niagara Township to his friend, Richard Woodruff, August 6, 1832. There are three names listed as witnesses, William Woodruff, Moses Chase and a third name.

Presentation from the Office of Macdonald and Rykert regarding the Case of O'Connor vs. the Great Western Railway Co.

Presentation from the Office of Macdonald and Rykert regarding the Case of O’Connor vs. the Great Western Railway Co. This is a handwritten, 9 ½ page double sided document). Some of the witnesses for the plaintiff included: Robert Johnson, John Ryder, Edward Duffy, Gilbert Gregory, John Cutter, James Patterson, Samuel Rush and Francis Bigger, among others. They claimed that the Great Western Railway Co. was destroying their land. Jacob Dittrick claimed that the culverts were not large enough to carry off water. Mr. Jackson noticed injury to his flats. Wild grass was destroying the bottom grass, May 6, 1836.

Understanding the Intersection of Reformed Faith and Dutch Immigrant Culture in Ontario Independent Christian Schools: Principals’ Experiences and Perspectives

In the aftermath of World War II, a wave of Dutch Reformed immigrants arrived in Ontario, many of whom joined the Christian Reformed Church. Following familiar cultural patterns, history, and their Reformed Christian faith, these immigrants settled in Ontario with remarkable institutional completeness (Breton, 1964). They quickly established independent, parent-operated Christian schools across Ontario. The primary purpose of the schools was to educate children through a comprehensive biblically based school program, yet this religious purpose often intersected with a Dutch immigrant ethnic culture. Van Dijk (2001) states that “the schools were the most important organization in maintaining the religious and ethnic identity of Calvinists” (p. 66). In this qualitative study I explore the intersection of Reformed faith and Dutch Canadian immigrant ethnic culture in Christian schools through the experiential and professional lens of eight retired principals. Employing a theoretical framework informed by Berger’s (1967) Sacred Canopy, I suggest that the intersection of faith and culture was experienced in the schools and was embodied by the schools themselves. Findings point to this intersection being located in the participants’ experience of (a) Dutchness, (b) the struggle for Christian education, (c) the ties that bound the school community together, and (d) the cloud of witnesses that founded and continues to support and encourage the Christian school community. The study offers insight into a Dutch Reformed immigrant group’s experience carving out a niche for themselves on the educational landscape in Ontario. This study also offers suggestions on how Christian schools can broaden their canopy and become more ethnically and denominationally diverse in the future.

Le conte de fées parodique français du XVIIIe siècle : un discours antimerveilleux

À première vue inoffensif, le conte de fées parodique français du XVIIIe siècle dissimule, sous le couvert de la féérie, un discours anticontesque et antiromanesque. Qu'ils soient explicites ou non, ces propos prennent généralement forme dans les métalepses émises tant par les narrateurs que par les narrataires dans le texte lui-même ou dans le péritexte auctorial. L'élaboration d'une typologie, à partir de dix contes publiés entre 1730 et 1754, offre une vue d'ensemble de ce phénomène narratif épars et ouvre la voie à une analyse transversale des discours tenus dans ce trope. Loin d'être innocent, le contenu des métalepses contesques laisse poindre une nouvelle poétique du conte et du roman qui s'éloigne progressivement de l'idéal classique régissant toujours ces deux genres au XVIIIe siècle.

Survivre à la violence organisée : parcours et témoignage de deux femmes rwandaises

Ce mémoire de maîtrise porte sur la survivance des femmes en contexte de violence organisée. Notre recherche s’appuie sur le témoignage de deux femmes rwandaises réfugiées au Canada dont le récit sera exploré afin de comprendre leurs points de vue sur trois dimensions de la survivance : la victimisation et la revictimisation qu’elles ont subi, les actes qu’elles ont pu poser pour survivre et le sens qu’elles ont donné aux situations vécues. D’abord, ces femmes rapportent qu’au-delà du génocide de 1994, elles ont vécu dans un climat d’insécurité, d’incertitude et d’impunité durant la guerre au Rwanda (1990-1994) et en exil, durant la guerre qui a visé le renversement de Mobutu, le massacre des ressortissants rwandais et le pillage des ressources naturelles par l’AFDL. Leurs récits confirment donc la continuité de la violence organisée d’un régime politique à un autre. De plus, les femmes témoignent de la non-reconnaissance de leur statut de réfugié par les bureaux qui traitent outre-mer les demandes d’asile, du traitement déshumanisant et accusateur des administrateurs de l’aide humanitaire et, de manière plus importante, de la non-reconnaissance des crimes commis par les forces armées du gouvernement actuellement au pouvoir au Rwanda et de leur impunité. Ensuite, les témoignages recueillis montrent des actrices sociales engagées dans l’activisme politique, l’action collective, la protection, la sécurité, la survie et l’établissement de leurs proches, du début du conflit jusqu’à leur arrivée au Canada. En effet, pour surmonter les difficultés engendrées par la violence organisée, elles ont mobilisé et transformé de manière créative toutes les ressources de leur capital humain, social et économique pour subvenir aux besoins de leurs proches et de leur communauté, et ce, tout au long de leur parcours migratoire. Enfin, au sujet du sens, nous verrons d’une part comment les femmes conçoivent leurs expériences individuelles de souffrances comme une histoire de victimisation collective, ce qui semble les aider à normaliser leurs expériences. D’autre part, nous verrons comment une identité de femmes fortes, résilientes et capables de s’adapter dans un climat d’adversité se dégage de leur témoignage, ce qui semble favoriser chez elles un sentiment de cohérence, de continuité et nourrir une certaine fierté.