Human wolves; seventeen years of war on crime, in which is told, for the first time, the dramatic story of the rebuilding of Kansas City's police department--and the return of law and order to the heart of America.

Mode of access: Internet.

Tuberculosis : don't give consumption to others : don't let others give it to you : don't delay! join a labor union and help stamp out consumption : movement inaugurated and plan adopted by the American Federation of Labor to war on consumption.

Includes Paul Kennaday on tuberculosis : address before Pittsburg, Pa., A.F. of L. Convention, November, 1905 (5-7 p.).

Civil war on the western border, 1854-1865,

Mode of access: Internet.

The consequences of nuclear war on the global environment [microform] : hearing before the Subcommittee on Investigations and Oversight of the Committee on Science and Technology, U.S. House of Representatives, Ninety-seventh Congress, second session, September 15, 1982.

"No. 171."

The War on the Bank of the United States : or, A review of the measures of the Administration against that institution and the prosperity of the country.

Cover title.

France at war; on the frontier of civilization.

Mode of access: Internet.

Impact of the war on the financial structure of agriculture /

Cover title.

The war on poverty, the Economic opportunity act of 1964. A compilation of materials relevant to S. 2642, prepared for the Select Subcommittee on Poverty of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, United States Senate.

Mode of access: Internet.

Evaluations of the war on poverty : health programs.

Contract No. CA-654.

Impact of war on Federal personnel administration, 1939-1945.

Mode of access: Internet.

Australasia triumphant! With the Australians and New Zealanders in the great war on land and sea,

Mode of access: Internet.

Graphic satire and public life in the age of terror

This paper investigates media representations of international insecurity through a selection of newspaper cartoons from some of the major daily Australian broadsheets. Since 2001, cartoonists such as Bruce Petty, John Spooner and Bill Leak (in The Age and The Australian) have provided an ongoing and vehement critique of the Australian government’s policies of ‘border protection’, the ‘war on terror’ and the words of mass distraction associated with Australia joining the war in Iraq. Cartoonists are often said to represent the ‘citizen’s perspective’ of public life through their graphic satire on the editorial pages of our daily newspapers. Increasingly, they can also be seen to be fulfilling the role of public intellectuals, defined by Richard A. Posner as ‘someone whose place it is publicly to raise embarrassing questions, to confront orthodoxy and dogma, to be someone who cannot easily be co-opted by governments and corporations’. Cartoonists enjoy an independence and freedom from censorship that is rarely extended to their journalistic colleagues in the print media and it is this independence that is the vital component in their being categorised as public intellectuals. Their role is to ‘question over and over again what is postulated as self-evident, to disturb people’s mental habits, to dissipate what is familiar and accepted, to re-examine rules and institutions’ (Posner, 2003: 31). With this useful — if generalised — definition in mind, the paper considers how cartoonists have contributed to debates concerning international insecurity in public life since 2001.

Greetings from the cybercaliphate: some notes on homeland insecurity

One of the paradoxical effects of the 7 July bombings in London was to expose the ambivalence in the British government's attempt to wage war on terror by forcefully prosecuting war against those who resort to jihad abroad, actively participating in coalitions of the wining whether in Afghanistan or Iraq, while affording some of Islamism's key ideologists and strategists a high degree of latitude in the United Kingdom itself. This indicates a number of contradictions in official policy that simultaneously recognizes the globalized threat from violent Islamic militancy while, under the rubric of multiculturalism, tolerating those very strains of Islamist radicalism, some of which draw upon the interdependent and transnational character of conflict, to render the UK vulnerable to those very same violent forces. Consequently, the British authorities displayed a studied indifference towards this developing transnational phenomenon both during the 1990s and in some respects even after the London bombings. To explore the curious character of the government's response to the Islamist threat requires the examination of the emergence of this radical ideological understanding and what it entails as a reaction to modernization and secularism in both thought and practice. The analysis explores how government policies often facilitated the non-negotiable identity politics of those promoting a pure, authentic and regenerated Islamic order both in the UK and abroad. This reflected a profound misunderstanding of the growing source and appeal of radical Islam that can be interpreted as a consequence of the slow-motion collision between modernity in its recent globalized form and an Islamic social character, which renders standard western modernization theory, and indeed, the notion of a 'social science' itself, deeply questionable.