985 resultados para Tibet Autonomous Region
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SGR 0418+5729 is a transient soft gamma-ray repeater which underwent a major outburst in 2009 June, during which the emission of short bursts was observed. Its properties appeared quite typical of other sources of the same class until long-term X-ray monitoring failed to detect any period derivative. The present upper limit on P implies that the surface dipole field is Bp lsim 7.5 × 1012 G, well below those measured in other soft gamma-ray repeaters (SGRs) and in the Anomalous X-ray Pulsars (AXPs), a group of similar sources. Both SGRs and AXPs are currently believed to be powered by ultra-magnetized neutron stars (magnetars, Bp ≈ 1014-1015 G). SGR 0418+5729 hardly seems to fit in such a picture. We show that the magneto-rotational properties of SGR 0418+5729 can be reproduced if this is an aged magnetar, ≈1 Myr old, which experienced substantial field decay. The large initial toroidal component of the internal field required to match the observed properties of SGR 0418+5729 ensures that crustal fractures, and hence bursting activity, can still occur at the present time. The thermal spectrum observed during the outburst decay is compatible with the predictions of a resonant Compton scattering model (as in other SGRs/AXPs) if the field is low and the magnetospheric twist is moderate.
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En este estudio se analiza la integración de las TIC en un escenario de aprendizaje específico: un centro público de Alicante catalogado como Centro Educativo Inteligente [CEI], según el programa de pilotaje homónimo de la Comunidad Valenciana. Se pondera detenidamente, mediante una investigación mixta el conocimiento tecnológico, pedagógico y disciplinar de los docentes a partir del Modelo TPACK. Como instrumentos de evaluación se han utilizado encuestas, entrevistas y grupos de discusión. Entre los resultados alcanzados, destaca la constatación de la inseguridad del profesorado al aplicar los conocimientos tecnológico-pedagógicos en sus clases, si bien se trata de un CEI. Se analiza detenidamente la paradoja establecida entre tal percepción del profesorado y la opinión del equipo directivo, que postula lo contrario.
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La actividad turística desarrollada en el Mediterráneo español, en general, y en el litoral valenciano, en particular, está vinculada a la demanda de segundas residencias y, con ella, al desarrollo urbanístico. Se trata de un modelo que incide negativamente sobre el territorio y genera fuertes impactos, especialmente medioambientales, apenas frenados por las medidas conservacionistas llevadas a cabo en las últimas décadas. Para comprobar tales afirmaciones, el presente artículo se centra en un territorio concreto como el litoral de la provincia de Alicante, donde los parques naturales mantienen una estrecha relación con algunos de los principales destinos de sol y playa.
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At the Vilnius summit of the Eastern Partnership in November 2013, Moldova initialled its Association Agreement with the EU, including a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) agreement, and is expected to sign the documents before the end of August 2014. Meanwhile, Russia has increased its presence and pressure in the region, as a consequence of which Armenia declined the AA and DCFTA with the EU and Ukraine, after months of protests and political paralysis, now has part of its territory occupied by Russia. Moldova is no exception to Russian pressure. As the country gets closer to upgrading relations with the EU, Russia has increased its activities in Moldova, including in the autonomous region of Gagauzia and in the breakaway region of Transnistria. Even though the “5+2” negotiations for the settlement of the Transnistria conflict continue, the number of incidents in and around this region have increased. The window of opportunity created by the involvement of Germany in the settlement of the conflict and the restart of the “5+2” negotiations in late 2011 seems to have closed. Given the recent events in the region and in Moldova/Transnistria, including the potential impact of DCFTA and visa liberalisation, Chisinau finds it increasingly difficult to manage the juggling act between its EU commitment and dialogue with Tiraspol. This Policy Brief presents the background, state of play and prospects of the Transnistria conflict while also focusing on the potential impact of Moldova’s Association Agreement with the EU on the settlement of the conflict.
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After four years of negotiations, Moldova signed an Association Agreement (AA) including a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) Agreement with the European Union (EU) on 27 June 2014. Ratified in the Moldovan Parliament on 2 July it came into provisional application on 1 September. While this development represents an important milestone in Moldova’s relations with the EU, the journey has not been easy. Russia has increased its presence and pressure in the region, as the country gets closer to bettering relations with the EU, Russia has increased its activities in Moldova, including in the autonomous region of Gagauzia and in the breakaway region of Transnistria. Alongside pressure from Russia, the next few months will be very politically challenging for Moldova, with internal and external developments continuing to shape Moldova’s future. Not only will Chisinau need to move ahead with the difficult and expensive implementation of the DCFTA, the ruling coalition simultaneously needs to campaign for the elections with very importantly, a united front. In this Policy Brief, Amanda Paul presents the state of play and the prospects of Moldova since signing the Association Agreement with the EU and explores the effects of Russian bans on exports and services, access to energy and trade as well as the role of the EU
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Introduction. In 2003, Iraq was invaded by the US coalition forces that ousted Saddam Hussein’s regime from power before occupying the whole country. The intension, declared by the then American George W. Bush, was to ‘build a decent and democratic society at the centre of the Middle East’ that ‘will become a place of progress and peace.’1 In 2014, three years after the withdrawal of the last American soldier, however, it is difficult to overestimate or exaggerate what is at stake. National unity and territorial integrity have never been so seriously threatened since the country is experiencing the internal fighting in its modern history. Many parts of Iraq, including the northern oil city of Kirkuk, long claimed as an integral part of the semi-autonomous region of Kurdistan, are out of the control of the central government. Large areas in the north including the strategic city of Mosul were seized by the fighters of the Islamic State, an Al-Qaeda offshoot, formerly known as ISIS, who threatened to invade the Kurdistan region before being attacked by airstrikes by the US. They proclaimed a caliphate on both sides of the border with Syria, where they also control vast territory.
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On 2 February, the regional authorities in Gagauzia - an autonomous region of the Republic of Moldova - carried out two simultaneous referenda. In the first, local residents were asked to declare their support for the country’s integration either with the EU or with the Moscow-led Customs Union (CU); the second referendum sought their opinion on the draft law “On the deferred status of the Autonomous Region of Gagauzia”. Under the proposed legislation, if Moldova were to lose its sovereignty (for example, through the unification of Moldova and Romania, or even as some politicians have argued, through Moldova’s further integration with the EU), the autonomous region would automatically become the independent Republic of Gagauzia. As expected, the outcome of the vote has shown overwhelming support for both the CU and for the draft law. According to the figures released by Gagauzia’s Central Electoral Commission, 98.5% of the voters supported Moldova’s integration with the Customs Union, while 98% voted in favour of the ‘deferred independence’ bill. Support for closer integration with the EU was marginal, reaching just over 2%. Despite the one-sided outcome of the referendum, there is no reliable evidence to suggest that the ballot was rigged. It should also be noted that voter turnout was very high, reaching about 70%. Representatives of the Moldovan Central Electoral Commission, however, believe that the figure may have been artificially inflated by excluding many of the voters currently residing abroad from the count.
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The autonomous region of Gorno-Badakhshan (GBAO) in Tajikistan offers one of the world’s most impressive landscapes. The Pamir Mountains with peaks of up to 7,500 meters is second only to the Himalayas. Culturally the region also has much to offer with a variety of well-preserved traditions and numerous languages. GBAO, which makes up 45 per cent of Tajikistan’s territory but only 3 per cent of its population, is however extremely isolated. From Dushanbe there are adventurous but irregular flights in late spring, summer and early autumn but most travellers will need to take a bumpy 17 hour car journey. Other options to reach GBAO are equally challenging, either mountain passes from China’s Xinjiang region and the city of Osh in Kyrgyzstan or crossing the Panj River from northeast Afghanistan where a few bridges have been built.
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This manuscript is based on a PhD thesis submitted at the Institute of Social Anthropology at the University of Bern in 2014. The dissertation was part of the research project „Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region and Chinese Territoriality. The Development of Infrastructure and Han Migration into the Region“ under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Heinzpeter Znoj and financed by the Swiss National Science Foundation SNSF. Madlen Kobi analyzes the architectural and socio-political transformation of public places and spaces in rapidly urbanizing southern Xinjiang, P.R. China, and in doing so pays particular attention to the cities of Aksu and Kaxgar. As the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region lies in between China and Central Asia, it is especially characterized by differing political, cultural, and religious influences, and, furthermore, due to its being a multiethnic region, by multiple identities. One might expect cultural and social identities in this area to be negotiated by referring to history, religion, or food. However, they also become visible by the construction and reconstruction, if not demolition, of public places, architectural landmarks, and private residences. Based on ethnographic fieldwork performed in 2011 and 2012, the study explores everyday life in a continuously transforming urban environment shaped by the interaction of the interests of government institutions, investment companies, the middle class, and migrant workers, among many other actors. Here, urban planning, modernization, and renewal form a highly sensitive lens through which the author inspects the tense dynamics of ethnic, religious, and class-based affiliations. She respects varieties and complexities while thoroughly grounding unfolding transformation processes in everyday lived experiences. The study provides vivid insights into how urban places and spaces in this western border region of China are constructed, created, and eventually contested.
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2010 Mathematics Subject Classification: 35Q55.
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Dissertação apresentada à Escola Superior de Educação de Santarém para obtenção do grau de mestre em Ciências de Educação na especialização de Supervisão e Orientação Pedagógica
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Commodification of the public healthcare system has been a growing process in recent decades, especially in universal healthcare systems and in high-income countries like Spain. There are substantial differences in the healthcare systems of each autonomous region of Spain, among which Catalonia is characterized by having a mixed healthcare system with complex partnerships and interactions between the public and private healthcare sectors. Using a narrative review approach, this article addresses various aspects of the Catalan healthcare system, characterizing the privatization and commodification of health processes in Catalonia from a historical perspective with particular attention to recent legislative changes and austerity measures. The article approximates, the eventual effects that commodification and austerity measures will have on the health of the population and on the structure, accessibility, effectiveness, equity and quality of healthcare services.
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Diese Arbeit führt in erster Linie eine kritische Analyse der normativen Gestaltung in Bezug auf die Stabilisierung des Staatshaushalts während der letzten 5 Jahre unter dem Einfluss des EU-Rechts durch. Anschließend werden die Wirkung und die Auswirkungen dieses Gesetzes bewertet. Abschließend werden einige Vorschläge und Erwägungen zur Zukunft geäußert.