974 resultados para The Enlightenment


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Me propongo revisitar los "Elementos de antisemitismo" en Dialéctica del Iluminismo a la luz del desarrollo posterior de la teoría crítica. Como se sigue de las críticas de Habermas o Wellmer, el texto citado encierra el peligro de caer en una filosofía de la historia universal pesimista, que socava todo potencial de racionalidad, paradójicamente refrendando la dominación de la totalidad (y sus consecuencias, como el antisemitismo). Para evitar esa deriva pesimista, propongo releer la Dialéctica del Iluminismo a la luz de los aportes contemporáneos de Postone, que vincula la dinámica de la totalidad a la especificidad histórica del capitalismo

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Regarding the twentieth century's interpretations of the Enlightenment and its actuality, it is noteworthy that some authors, like Habermas in "The philosophical discourse of Modernity", rely on Hegel to defend the Enlightenment and its project, whereas other close thinkers, like Adorno and Horkheimer in their "Dialectic of Enlightenment", quote Hegel to emphasize the destructive aspects of Enlightenment. In this work I show that in the Hegelian theory of Enlightenment both aspects, the negative and the programmatic, are present. I hold here that the Hegelian philosophy claims to be the consummation and not the rupture with this movement. This is expressed in the subtitle of the thesis: in the philosophy of Hegel the principle of autonomy is made absolute in terms of an immanentization of any transcendence that could have been still recognized or latent in the thought of the Enlightenment. For a theory of the Enlightenment I consider as reference the exposition of Cassirer, "The Philosophy of the Enlightenment ". As reference texts of the Hegelian philosophy I follow principally passages from "The Phenomenology of Spirit" and "Glauben und Wissen".

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En los últimos años los críticos han derribado varios estereotipos que habían sido utilizados para caracterizar a la filosofía de la Ilustración. Esos clichés en muchos casos se encontraban muy alejados del pensamiento de los filósofos iluministas. No obstante, varios temas no han sido aún suficientemente revisados. En este trabajo se intenta demostrar que la reflexión de Denis Diderot sobre el sentido de la historia, en la medida que desborda los diferentes esquemas interpretativos esbozados hasta el momento por los especialistas, es uno de ellos

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Me propongo revisitar los "Elementos de antisemitismo" en Dialéctica del Iluminismo a la luz del desarrollo posterior de la teoría crítica. Como se sigue de las críticas de Habermas o Wellmer, el texto citado encierra el peligro de caer en una filosofía de la historia universal pesimista, que socava todo potencial de racionalidad, paradójicamente refrendando la dominación de la totalidad (y sus consecuencias, como el antisemitismo). Para evitar esa deriva pesimista, propongo releer la Dialéctica del Iluminismo a la luz de los aportes contemporáneos de Postone, que vincula la dinámica de la totalidad a la especificidad histórica del capitalismo

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Regarding the twentieth century's interpretations of the Enlightenment and its actuality, it is noteworthy that some authors, like Habermas in "The philosophical discourse of Modernity", rely on Hegel to defend the Enlightenment and its project, whereas other close thinkers, like Adorno and Horkheimer in their "Dialectic of Enlightenment", quote Hegel to emphasize the destructive aspects of Enlightenment. In this work I show that in the Hegelian theory of Enlightenment both aspects, the negative and the programmatic, are present. I hold here that the Hegelian philosophy claims to be the consummation and not the rupture with this movement. This is expressed in the subtitle of the thesis: in the philosophy of Hegel the principle of autonomy is made absolute in terms of an immanentization of any transcendence that could have been still recognized or latent in the thought of the Enlightenment. For a theory of the Enlightenment I consider as reference the exposition of Cassirer, "The Philosophy of the Enlightenment ". As reference texts of the Hegelian philosophy I follow principally passages from "The Phenomenology of Spirit" and "Glauben und Wissen".

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En los últimos años los críticos han derribado varios estereotipos que habían sido utilizados para caracterizar a la filosofía de la Ilustración. Esos clichés en muchos casos se encontraban muy alejados del pensamiento de los filósofos iluministas. No obstante, varios temas no han sido aún suficientemente revisados. En este trabajo se intenta demostrar que la reflexión de Denis Diderot sobre el sentido de la historia, en la medida que desborda los diferentes esquemas interpretativos esbozados hasta el momento por los especialistas, es uno de ellos

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Me propongo revisitar los "Elementos de antisemitismo" en Dialéctica del Iluminismo a la luz del desarrollo posterior de la teoría crítica. Como se sigue de las críticas de Habermas o Wellmer, el texto citado encierra el peligro de caer en una filosofía de la historia universal pesimista, que socava todo potencial de racionalidad, paradójicamente refrendando la dominación de la totalidad (y sus consecuencias, como el antisemitismo). Para evitar esa deriva pesimista, propongo releer la Dialéctica del Iluminismo a la luz de los aportes contemporáneos de Postone, que vincula la dinámica de la totalidad a la especificidad histórica del capitalismo

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Durante la Ilustración, el imperio español alcanzó su máxima amplitud y las instituciones oficiales incrementaron su apoyo a las ciencias. Para defender sus fronteras y ejercer con eficacia el poder político, económico y religioso, la Corona y la Iglesia necesitaban obtener información precisa --incluida la climatológica-- de las posesiones españolas y de los pobladores de éstas. Fueron varios los procedimientos empleados para ello: sistema de cuestionarios y relaciones geográficas, estudios medico-topográficos, visitas e inspecciones oficiales, expediciones político-científicas, correspondencia epistolar, artículos periodísticos, etc. Dichos procedimientos fueron aplicados por redes de informadores cuyas actuaciones se basaban en la división del trabajo, el reparto de colaboradores en diferentes lugares, el uso de códigos de comunicación comprensibles, el envío de los resultados a los superiores jerárquicos y la toma de decisiones por las autoridades competentes. Las redes de información estaban sometidas a dictámenes que normalizaban su creación y continuidad temporal, daban forma a su estructura interna, especificaban sus cometidos y obligaban a cumplir protocolos y plazos. En su seno se idearon planes de investigación integrados en el estudio general de la Tierra, el ser humano y la cultura. El beneficio de las actuaciones de sus miembros se plasmó en cubrir grandes ámbitos geográficos con el consiguiente ahorro de tiempo, esfuerzos y medios. En sus correspondientes contextos, los miembros de las redes efectuaron estudios climatológicos conforme a intereses, imposiciones y circunstancias específicas. Así, los médicos se interesaron por las condiciones climáticas que influían en la salud humana; los funcionarios reales y los ingenieros militares describieron los climas locales y regionales aptos para el fomento y el control político, jurídico y educativo de los habitantes de los territorios hispánicos; los expedicionarios estudiaron las interacciones entre los fenómenos naturales y las influencias de los accidentes geográficos en los climas; los clérigos se interesaron por los aspectos estéticos, apologéticos y contemplativos de los climas; finalmente, en la prensa de la época se publicaron registros meteorológicos periódicos y trabajos climatológicos varios. En definitiva, el saber climatológico en el mundo hispánico ilustrado aportó algunos rasgos esenciales a la climatología en una etapa pre-fundacional de esta disciplina. Dichos rasgos se desarrollaron generalmente en una escala local o regional y se refirieron a los siguientes asuntos: el calor como principal agente de las modificaciones atmosféricas, de la formación de vapor acuoso y de las precipitaciones; la influencia del suelo en el aumento de humedad y calor en el aire; el poder de los vientos para trasladar de un lugar a otro el frío o el calor, el vapor de agua, los fenómenos atmosféricos y los agentes responsables de las enfermedades contagiosas; las propiedades del aire atmosférico y su capacidad para interaccionar con el medio ambiente; la condición estática y repetitiva de los climas, si bien se admitió que dichos fenómenos podían sufrir modificaciones; la corroboración experimental de las diferencias climáticas entre las zonas tropicales y medias del planeta; la refutación de que la naturaleza americana y sus habitantes eran inferiores a los europeos; y la demostración de que los principios rectores de los fenómenos físicos del Viejo y el Nuevo Mundo eran idénticos. Desde el último tercio del siglo XVIII, los documentos producidos por los componentes de las redes de información incluyeron datos meteorológicos. Pero no siempre se emplearon los mismos instrumentos de medida ni se siguieron los mismos protocolos de indagación en idénticas condiciones. Además, y salvo excepciones, los períodos durante los cuales se recabaron datos atmosféricos fueron relativamente cortos, y los expertos no efectuaron las mismas operaciones aritméticas con los parámetros. Por esta razón, y por la orientación utilitaria de los ilustrados hispánicos, el saber climatológico no obtuvo en el período y en el ámbito geográfico considerados resultados teóricos apreciables; en cambio, dio lugar a una gran cantidad de actividades prácticas con aplicaciones a la medicina, la agricultura, la náutica, el fomento, la prevención de riesgos naturales, etc. La principal utilidad de este trabajo consiste en servir de complemento a los procedimientos actualmente en uso en historia de la hidrología y en climatología histórica. ABSTRACT During the Enlightenment, the Spanish Empire achieved its highest length and State institutions increased their support to sciences. In order to defend their frontiers and to exercise political, economical and religious power, the Crown and the Church needed exact information --including the climatologic one-- about its possessions and its habitants. Some of the procedures employed to get that objective were: system of questionnaires and geographic relations, medical-topographic studies, official visits and inspections, political-scientific expeditions, direct mail, journalistic articles, etc. Those procedures were applied by informers´ networks which obtained, manned and transmitted every kind of data about the natural and moral reality of the Hispanic territories; their actions were based on the division of tasks, the distribution of collaborators at several places, the use of understandable communication codes and the sending of results to the hierarchical superiors; after, the competent authorities took decisions. The information networks were subjected to rules witch regulated its creation, temporary continuity, interior structure, objectives, protocols and periods. Their memberships invented plans about the general research of the Earth, the human beings and the culture; and they contributed to get benefits because of covering large geographic frames and economizing time, effort and means. According to their specifics contexts, concerns, impositions and circumstances, the informers performed climatologic tasks. Thus, the physicians were interested in the climatic conditions which affected to human health; the royal officers and military engineers described the most propitious climates to patronage and political, lawful and educative control of inhabitants of Hispanic territories; the participants in politic-scientific expeditions studied the interactions among natural phenomena and the influence of geographic aspects on the climate; the clergymen underlined the esthetic, apologetic and contemplative face of climates; finally, in the newspapers were published a lot of meteorological data and climatologic works. So, the climatologic knowledge in the Hispanic enlightened world added these essential aspects --referred in a local and regional area-- during the pre-foundational epoch of the climatology: the heat as first agent of atmospheric modifications, aqueous vapor and precipitations; the influx of the land in the increment of humidity and heat of the air; the power of the winds to convey the cold, the heat, the aqueous vapor, the atmospheric phenomena and the agents which caused contagious maladies; the properties of the air and its faculty to mediate with the environs; the static and repetitive condition of the climate and its possibility to experience change; the experimental confirmation of climatic varieties between tropical and central areas of the planet; the negation of the inferiority of the American nature and inhabitants; the demonstration about the equality of the rules which conducted physical phenomena in the Old and the New world. Since the last third part of the eighteenth century, the documents produced by the members of the networks included meteorological data. But the informers were not used to employ the same measure instruments and homogeneous protocols completion in the same conditions. Exceptions besides, the times of taking atmospheric data, usually were very short; and the experts did not carry out the same arithmetical operations with parameters. Because of this reason and the utilitarian guidance of the informers, during the Hispanic Enlightenment, it was not possible to obtain theoretic conclusions about climatologic knowledge; but there were a lot of practical activities applied to Medicine, Agriculture, Navigation, patronage, prevention of natural risks, etc. The main utility of this work consist in favoring the present procedures of the History of Hydrology and Historic Climatology.

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Esta tese tem como objetivo analisar os processos históricos envolvidos na criação e difusão de uma cultura urbanística lusitana, a qual se formou alinhavando e reinterpretando inúmeras referências e que as transformou continuamente ao longo dos séculos e de sua expansão territorial. Tomamos o século XVI como referência da expansão lusitana e o caso de São Paulo de Piratininga tida pela bibliografia especializada como uma excepcionalidade na história urbanística e colonial portuguesa como exemplo de alinhamento com a tradição urbanística portuguesa. Essa inserção é visível através do cotejamento da história urbana de outras cidades portuguesas (como Coimbra, Sintra, Tomar, mas, sobretudo, Lisboa). De outro lado, contempla-se o século XVIII como um momento de profundas mudanças nessa tradição urbanística e a inserção de novas mentalidades, práticas, motivadas principalmente pelo surgimento de novos movimentos (como o iluminismo) e protagonistas ou, ainda, suas novas faces (como o Estado português, em processo de centralização, de aproximação com os interesses mercantis e de medidas modernizadoras). Procura-se, por fim, demonstrar a complexidade dos processos culturais que envolvem, ao longo dos séculos, a criação e transformação das cidades, bem como a intensa circulação de ideias, pessoas, práticas entre a Europa e as Américas.

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Los viajes científicos a Francia durante último tercio del siglo XVIII y el primero del siglo XIX son generalmente considerados, por diversas razones, como una importante cuestión en el desarrollo de la ciencia española de ese período. Los viajes científicos de los pensionados y comisionados de la Ilustración suelen estudiarse como un vehículo de transmisión de nuevas ideas científicas. Por el contrario, el exilio de autores afrancesados y liberales suele valorarse negativamente, como una de las causas de la decadencia de la ciencia española del primer tercio del siglo XIX. En este trabajo se pretende ofrecer un marco general para el estudio de estos viajes y presentar algunas de las primeras conclusiones de un análisis comparado de un grupo de biografías de estos viajeros. También se presentan los datos obtenidos del análisis de diferentes fuentes documentales poco conocidas y un esquema de periodificación de estos viajes.

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This thesis is concerned with Maine de Biran’s and Samuel Taylor Coleridge’s conceptions of will, and the way in which both thinkers’ posterities have been affected by the central role of these very conceptions in their respective bodies of thought. The research question that animates this work can therefore be divided into two main parts, one of which deals with will, while the other deals with its effects on posterity. In the first pages of the Introduction, I make the case for a comparison between two philosophers, and show how this comparison can bring one closer to truth, understood not in objective, but in subjective terms. I then justify my choice by underlining that, in spite of their many differences, Maine de Biran and Samuel Taylor Coleridge followed comparable paths, intellectually and spiritually, and came to similar conclusions concerning the essential activity of the human mind. Finally, I ask whether it is possible that this very focus on the human will may have contributed to the state of both thinkers’ works and of the reception of those works. This prologue is followed by five parts. In the first part, the similarities and differences between the two thinkers are explored further. In the second part, the connections between philosophy and singularity are examined, in order to show the ambivalence of the will as a foundation for truth. The third part is dedicated to the traditional division between subject and object in psychology, and its relevance in history and in moral philosophy. The fourth part tackles the complexity of the question of influence, with respect to both Maine de Biran’s and Coleridge’s cases, both thinkers being indebted to many philosophers of all times and places, and having to rely heavily on others for the publication, or the interpretation of their own works. The fifth part is concerned with the different aspects of the faculty of will, and primarily its relationship with interiority, as incommensurability, and actual, conditioned existence in a certain historical and spatial context. It ends with a return to the question of will and posterity and an announcement of what will be covered in the main body of the thesis. The main body is divided into three parts:‘L’émancipation’, ‘L’affirmation, and ‘La projection’. The first part is devoted to the way Maine de Biran and Samuel Taylor Coleridge extricated themselves from one epistemological paradigm to contribute to the foundation of another. It is divided in four chapters. The first chapter deals with the aforementioned change of paradigm, as corresponding to the emergence of two separate but associated movements, Romanticism and what the French philosopher refers to as ‘The Age of History’. The second chapter concerns the movement that preceded them, i.e. the Enlightenment, its main features according to both of our thinkers, and the two epistemological models that prevailed under it and influenced them heavily in their early years: Sensationism (Maine de Biran) and Associationism (Coleridge). The third chapter is about the probable influence of Immanuel Kant and his followers on Maine de Biran and Coleridge, and the various facts that allow us to claim originality for both thinkers’ works. In the fourth chapter, I contrast Maine de Biran and Coleridge with other movements and thinkers of their time, showing that, contrary to their respective thoughts, Maine de Biran and Coleridge could not but break free from the then prevailing systematic approach to truth. The second part of the thesis is concerned with the first part of its research question, namely, Maine de Biran’s and Coleridge’s conceptions of the will. It is divided into four chapters. The first chapter is a reflection on the will as a paradox: on the one hand, the will cannot be caused by any other phenomenon, or it is no longer a will; but it cannot be left purely undetermined, as if it is, it is then not different from chance. It thus needs, in order to be, to be contradictorily already moral. The second chapter is a comparison between Maine de Biran’s and Coleridge’s accounts of the origin of the will, where it is found that the French philosopher only observes that he has a will, whereas the English philosopher postulates the existence of this will. The comparison between Maine de Biran’s and Coleridge’s conceptions of the will is pursued in the third chapter, which tackles the question of the coincidence between the will and the self, in both thinkers’ works. It ends with the fourth chapter, which deals with the question of the relationship between the will and what is other to it, i.e. bodily sensations, passions and desires. The third part of the thesis focuses on the second part of its research question, namely the posterity of Maine de Biran’s and Coleridge’s works. It is divided into four chapters. The first chapter constitutes a continuation of the last chapter of the preceding part, in that that it deals with Maine de Biran’s and Coleridge’s relations to the ‘other’, and particularly their potential and actual audience, and with the way these relations may have affected their writing and publishing practices. The second chapter is a survey of both thinkers’ general reception, where it is found that, while Maine de Biran has been claimed by two important movements of thoughts as their initiator, Coleridge has been neglected by the only real movement he could have, or may indeed have pioneered. The third chapter is more directly concerned with the posterities of Maine de Biran’s and Coleridge’s conceptions of will, and attempts to show that the approach to, and the meaning of the will have evolved throughout the nineteenth century, and in the French Spiritualist and the British Idealist movements, from an essentially personal one to a more impersonal one. The fourth chapter is a partial conclusion, whose aim is to give a precise idea of where Maine de Biran and Coleridge stand, in relation to their century and to the philosophical movements and matters we are concerned with. The conclusion is a recapitulation of what has been found, with a particular emphasis on the dialogue initiated between Maine de Biran and Coleridge on the will, and the relation between will and posterity. It suggests that both thinkers have to pay the price of a problematic reception for the individuality that pervades their respective works, and goes further in suggesting that s/he who chooses to found his individuality on the will is bound to feel this incompleteness in his/her own personal life more acutely than s/he who does not. It ends with a reflection on fixedness and movement, as the two antagonistic states that the theoretician of the will paradoxically aspires to.

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There have been no books published on neuroscience in the eighteenth century. Yet this was an important time, with science and medicine in transition. On the one hand, there were wildly speculative theories about the nervous system, many based on Newtonian mechanics and fanciful chemistry. But on the other, this was also a time when empirical research with quantification and experimentation was coming of age. This volume examines the eighteenth-century neuroscience milieu and looks at developments in anatomy, physiology, and medicine that highlight this era, which some people have called the Age of Reason and others the Enlightenment. The book covers such things as the aims of the scientific and medical Enlightenment, how neuroscience adopted electricity as the nerve force, how disorders such as aphasia and hysteria were treated, Mesmerism, and how some of the latest ideas made their way into the culture of the day.

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When referring to cinema and its emancipatory potential, realism, like Plato’s pharmakon, has signified both illness and cure, poison and medicine. On the one hand, realism is regarded as the main feature of so-called classical cinema, inherently conservative and thoroughly ideological, its main raison d’être being to reify and make a particular version of the status quo believable and to pass it out as ‘reality’ (Burch, 1990; MacCabe, 1974). On the other, realism has also been interpreted as a quest for truth and social justice, as in the positivist ethos that informs documentary (Zavattini, 1953). Even in the latter sense, however, the extent to which realism has served colonizing ends when used to investigate the ‘truth’ of the Other has also been noted, rendering the form profoundly suspicious (Chow, 2007, p. 150). For realism has been a Western form of representation, one that can be traced back to the invention of perspective in painting and that peaked with the secular worldview brought about by the Enlightenment. And like realism, the nation state too is a product of the Enlightenment, nationalism being, as it were, a secular replacement for the religious - that is enchanted or fantastic - worldview. In this way, realism, cinema and nation are inextricably linked, and equally strained under the current decline of the Enlightenment paradigm. This chapter looks at Y tu Mamá También by Alfonso Cuarón (2001), a highly successful road movie with documentary features, to explore the ways in which realism, cinema and nation interact with each other in the present conditions of ‘globalization’ as experienced in Mexico. The chapter compares and contrasts various interpretations of the role of realism in this film put forward by critics and scholars and other discourses about it circulating in the media with actual ways of audience engagement with it.

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There is a contemporary scepticism towards vision-based metaphors in management and organization studies that reflects a more general pattern across the social sciences. In short, there has been a shift away from ocularcentrism. This shift provides a useful basis for metatheoretical analysis of the philosophical discourse that informs organizational analysis. The article begins by briefly discussing the vision-generated, vision-centred interpretation of knowledge, truth, and reality that has characterized the western philosophical tradition. Taking late 18th-century rationalism as the high-point of ocularcentrism, the article then presents a metatheoretical framework based on three trajectories that critiques of ocularcentrism have subsequently taken. The first exposes the limits of the metaphor by, paradoxically, taking it to its limits. The second trajectory seeks to displace the primordial position of the ocular metaphor and replace it with an alternative lexicon based on other human senses. Last, the third trajectory describes how the Enlightenment ocular characterization of the visual and mental worlds has effectively been inverted in the postmodern moment.

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This dissertation examines the principles of education imbued in a three year correspondence between an eighteenth century woman and her teenage son from the French speaking region of Vaud, current day Switzerland. Despite her great respect for the literature and ideas of the new pedagogues of the Enlightenment, especially J.J. Rousseau and Mme de Genlis, Catherine de Charrière de Sévery maintained the traditional perspective of education of the Ancien Régime. To explore the concepts of education and instruction through the epistolary practice, this research is based on the corpus of 107 letters that Mme de Sévery wrote to her son Vilhelm between 1780 and 1783. Additional documents - among them Mme de Sévery’s diaries - from the particularly rich archival holdings of this aristocratic family have been used to complement her correspondence. Most previous studies on family correspondence have dealt with mothers to daughters, or fathers to sons, whereas this research is centered on letters between a mother and her son. The location of this family – Lausanne and the Pays de Vaud – provides a particular regional perspective due to two factors: immersion into a region uniformly Protestant, and the dual-influence of Germanic and French cultures. The study analyzes the educational principles that appear throughout Mme de Sévery’s letters by comparison with three literary works of the 18th century: a familiar correspondence, the Lettres du Lord Chesterfield à son fils (1776); the fundamental education treatise by J.J. Rousseau, Émile, ou de l’Éducation (1762); and a pedagogical treatise written by Mme de Genlis as an epistolary novel, Adèle et Théodore, ou lettres sur l’éducation. Using letters as the main tool to guide her son’s upbringing, Mme de Sévery highlights the moral and family values that are most important to her and leads him to find his place in society.