958 resultados para State violence
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The purpose of this volume is to examine and evaluate the impact of international state-building interventions on the political economy of post-conflict countries over the last 20 years. It analyses how international interventions have shaped political and economic dynamics and structures – both formal and informal – and what kind of state, and what kind of state-society relations have been created as a result, through three different lenses: first, through the approaches taken by different international actors like the UN, the International Financial Institutions, or the European Union, to state-building; second, through detailed analysis of key state-building policies; and third, through a wide range of country case studies. Amongst the recurring themes that are highlighted by the book’s focus on the political economy of state-building, and that help to explain why international state-building interventions have tended to fall short of the visions of interveners and local populations alike are evidence of important continuities between war-time and “post-conflict” economies and authority structures, which are often consolidated as a consequence of international involvement; tensions arising from what are often the competing interests and values held by different interveners and local actors; and, finally, the continuing salience of economic and political violence in state-building processes and war-to-peace transitions. The book aims to offer a more nuanced understanding of the complex impact of state-building practices on post-conflict societies, and of the political economy of post-conflict state-building.
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Although there are signs of decline, homicides and traffic-related injuries and deaths in Brazil account for almost two-thirds of all deaths from external causes. In 2007, the homicide rate was 26.8 per 100 000 people and traffic-related mortality was 23.5 per 100 000. Domestic violence might not lead to as many deaths, but its share of violence-related morbidity is large. These are important public health problems that lead to enormous individual and collective costs. Young, black, and poor men are the main victims and perpetrators of community violence, whereas poor black women and children are the main victims of domestic violence. Regional differentials are also substantial. Besides the sociocultural determinants, much of the violence in Brazil has been associated with the misuse of alcohol and illicit drugs, and the wide availability of firearms. The high traffic-related morbidity and mortality in Brazil have been linked to the chosen model for the transport system that has given priority to roads and private-car use without offering adequate infrastructure. The system is often poorly equipped to deal with violations of traffic rules. In response to the major problems of violence and injuries, Brazil has greatly advanced in terms of legislation and action plans. The main challenge is to assess these advances to identify, extend, integrate, and continue the successful ones.
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During the latest decade Somali-born women with experiences of long-lasting war followed by migration have increasingly encountered Swedish maternity care, where antenatal care midwives are assigned to ask questions about exposure to violence. The overall aim in this thesis was to gain deeper understanding of Somali-born women’s wellbeing and needs during the parallel transitions of migration to Sweden and childbearing, focusing on maternity healthcare encounters and violence. Data were obtained from medical records (paper I), qualitative interviews with Somali-born women (II, III) and Swedish antenatal care midwives (IV). Descriptive statistics and thematic analysis were used. Compared to pregnancies of Swedish-born women, Somali-born women’s pregnancies demonstrated later booking and less visits to antenatal care, more maternal morbidity but less psychiatric treatment, less medical pain relief during delivery and more emergency caesarean sections and small-for-gestational-age infants (I). Political violence with broken societal structures before migration contributed to up-rootedness, limited healthcare and absent state-based support to women subjected to violence, which reinforced reliance on social networks, own endurance and faith in Somalia (II). After migration, sources of wellbeing were a pragmatic “moving-on” approach including faith and motherhood, combined with social coherence. Lawful rights for women were appreciated but could concurrently risk creating power tensions in partner relationships. Generally, the Somali-born women associated the midwife more with providing medical care than with overall wellbeing or concerns about violence, but new societal resources were parallel incorporated with known resources (III). Midwives strived for woman-centered approaches beyond ethnicity and culture in care encounters, with language, social gaps and divergent views on violence as potential barriers in violence inquiry. Somali-born women’s strength and contentment were highlighted, and ongoing violence seldom encountered according to the midwives experiences (IV). Pragmatism including “moving on” combined with support from family and social networks, indicate capability to cope with violence and migration-related stress. However, this must be balanced against potential unspoken needs at individual level in care encounters.With trustful relationships, optimized interaction and networking with local Somali communities and across professions, the antenatal midwife can have a “bridging-function” in balancing between dual societies and contribute to healthy transitions in the new society.
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By virtue of the volume and nature of their attributions, including secondary school as well as problem-areas such as security and traffic, the Brazilian states are the ultimate responsible entities for young people. This study argues in favour of granting greater freedom for the states to define their own public policy parameters to deal with local features and to increase the degree of learning about such actions at the national level. In empirical terms, the study assesses the impacts of new laws, such as the new traffic code (from the joint work with Leandro Kume, EPGE/FGV doctor’s degree student) and traces the statistics for specific questions like drugs, violence and car accidents. The findings show that these questions produce different results for young men and women.The main characters in these dramas are young single males, suggesting the need for more distinguished public policies according not only to age, but also by gender. The study also reveals that the magnitude of these problems changes according to the youth’s social class. Prisons concern poorer men (except for the functional illiterate) while fatal car accidents and the confessed use of drugs concern upper-class boys.
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In the past ten years the struggle for land in Brazil has taken the shape of invasions of private land by welI organized groups of land less squatters. It is argued in this paper that these invasions and the resulting contlicts are a direct response to the land reform program which has been adopted by the govemment since 1985. which is based on the expropriation of farms and the creation of settlement projects. The set of formal and informal institutions which compromise the land reform program are used as the background for a game-theory model of rural contlicts. T estable implications are derived trom this model with particular emphasis on the etfect of policy variables on violence. These are then tested with panel data at state levei from 1988 to 1995. - It is shown that govemment policy which has the intent of reducing the amount of violence has the opposite etfect of leading to more incentives for contlicts.
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This article examines the challenges involved in the process of police militarization and implementation of police discipline in the State of São Paulo during the First Brazilian Republic (1889 to 1930). The implementation of a militarized police model, initiated by the 1906 French Military Mission, was not fully able to deal with indiscipline issues among policemen. Beyond creating problems of its own, such as fostering a corporatist culture and strengthening rigid hierarchies, military discipline prevented police forces to address new issues that would affect its practices. Documents in the São Paulo State Public Archive provides a window to the daily violence, the personal compromises, the institutional conflicts and the political meddling that was part of police life in the State of São Paulo at the turn of the century.
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Includes bibliography
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Includes bibliography
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Includes bibliography
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The sexual abuse suffered in childhood and adolescence, in addition to damage to physical and psychological health of the victim, is considered as an important risk factor for alcohol and drugs addiction, development of psychopathology and psychosocial damage in adulthood. In addition to the pain and humiliation that are submitted by the abuse, children and adolescents also experience shame and guilt which require them to adopt coping strategies to endure those feelings. The use of psychoactive substances is a recognized way of dealing with the pains of living. This work, which is of narrative style, analyses and discusses, through five case reports, chemical dependency as a result of sexual abuse suffered in childhood and/or adolescence. The eight subjects in this study are male and have suffered sexual violence in this age period of life. Their ages range from 23 years to 39 years, and all are admitted to a therapeutic community in a city in the interior of Sao Paulo state, in Brazil, for treatment of chemical dependency, being met by the Department of Psychology. The reasons for the choice of the participants for treatment modality for patients are: difficult to stop using drugs, even unwilling to take it, they have easy access to it; the feeling of losing control over their lives; by successive losses as a result of drug use, and for fear that their lives had a tragic ending. With the exception of two participants, the others do not classify that as a child suffered sexual violence. However, all attribute that facilitated their entry into the world of drugs. Seven participants experienced such violence in childhood (between 7 years and 9 years) and adolescence (age 14). The attackers were people closed to the victims—in the case of two victims, their families, with the exception of one participant who was raped by a stranger. Six participants declared themselves as homosexual. Another participant does not claim to be homosexual, but presents difficulties in terms of sexuality. Two participants are HIV positive. The start of psychoactive substances use occurred during adolescence (12 years to 17 years). The participants see drugs as an anesthetic to the pain of the soul, a way to get pleasure, but they get charged expensively, as it increases the feeling of emptiness, guilt, helplessness, worthlessness and hopelessness. Although participants have sought help to deal with addiction, it is noted that throughout the life course the issue of sexual violence was not treated. It was noted that the patients have a double stigma in society: the issue of drugs addiction and the orientation of sexual desire, because the majority of participants are homosexual. The results reinforce the need for effective action geared to accommodate the victims of sexual violence and effective preventive measures to prevent children and adolescents from being abused.
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Violence against children and adolescents, ranging from negligence to sexual abuse, is an imperative public health problem. The ill treatments are considered as nonaccidental traumas, actions or omissions against children, who suffer physical or emotional violence. The main perpetrators are fathers, mothers, guardians, family, friends or the children‘s primary caretaker. It is very important to identify abuse cases, because this allows proper medical and legal intervention. In Brazil, the law n. 8.069, of July 13, 1990, known as the ECA -Statute for Children and Adolescents (SCA), stipulates the obligation to report suspected or confirmed cases of ill treatment against a child or adolescent to the Guardianship Council of the respective locality. The health professionals play a crucial role with regard to identifying cases of violence, collecting information, making early diagnosis of suspect cases and reporting such cases to the authorities. The dentists can contribute significantly, as most injuries occur in the orofacial region. Bite marks, burns, bruising, among others, are easily identified during a dental consultation. The aim of this work was to verify the awareness and attitudes of Brazilian dentists concerning violence against children and adolescents. This research was approved by the Research Ethics Committee of the Faculty of Dentistry of Araraquara – São Paulo State University (FOAr – UNESP). Sixty-three dentists answered an open and closed questionnaire concerning their formation, knowledge, experience and attitudes towards ill-treated children and adolescents. Among other results, thirty-nine dentists (61.9%) affirmed to have the means to identify illtreatment cases, 13 (20.6%) reported having some experience on this matter, but only 8 reported the cases to the Council of Guardianship, as determined by Brazilian law. Twenty percent of the reasons presented for not notifying the Council were fear of reprisal, and 60.0% were uncertain concerning the ethical and legal implications. Physical violence was the most reported form of identified violence (76.9%), followed by negligence (38.5%). Among the 13 professionals that had experience with violence cases, in 10 cases the perpetrators were identified – in 70.0% of the cases, the parents were the originators of such violence. It was concluded that further formation and orientation are necessary, in order to prepare dentists to act correctly when, during their professional activities, they encounter cases of violence against children and adolescents.
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Adolescents are seeking new references and experiences, which may involve attitudes of risk and exposure to accidents and violence from external causes. These events constitute a serious Public Health problem. The scope of this study was to analyze the occurrence of accidents by external causes in adolescents from 10 to 19 years of age attended at sentinel urgency and emergency services in Brazil. Data from the 2009 Surveillance System for Violence and Accidents (VIVA 2009) was analyzed in 74 emergency units in 23 state capitals and the Federal District. The findings revealed that 6,434 adolescents (89.8%) were victims of accidents and 730 (10.2 %) were victims of violence. The main causes of the accidents were falls and traffic accidents, and assaults were predominant in violence. For both accidents and violence, non-white male adolescents were predominant and the events occurred most frequently on the public highways. A marked increase was detected, with hospitalization of victims of violence between 15 and 19 years of age. Understanding the epidemiological reality of external causes among adolescents represents an important tool for health prevention and promotion policies and the culture of peace seeking to reduce morbidity and mortality.
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Since 1900, the Yoruba people of South-western Nigeria have put its ethnic history at work in the construction of its identity in Nigeria. The exercise resulted in the creation of ethno-nationalist movements and the practice of ethnic politics, often expressed through violent attacks on the Nigerian State and some ethnic groups in Nigeria. Relying on mythological attachment to its traditions and subjective creation of cultural pride, the people created a sense of history that established a common interest among different Yoruba sub-groups in form of pan-Yoruba interest which forms the basis for the people’s imagination of nation. Through this, historical consciousness and socio-political space in which Yoruba people are located acted as instrumental forces employed by Yoruba political elites, both at colonial and post-colonial periods to demand for increasing access to political and economic resources in Nigeria. In form of nationalism, nationalist movements and ethnic politics continued in South-western Nigeria since 1900, yet without resulting to actual creation of an independent Yoruba State up to 2009. Through ethnographic data, the part played by history, tradition and modernity is examined in this paper. While it is concluded that ethno-nationalist movement and ethnic politics in Yoruba society are constructive agenda dated back to pre-colonial period, it continues to transform both in structure and function. Thus, Yoruba ethno-nationalist movement and ethnic politics is ambiguous, dynamic and complex, to the extent that it remains a challenge to State actions in Nigeria.
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The US penitentiary at Lewisburg, Pennsylvania, was retrofitted in 2008 to offer the country’s first federal Special Management Unit (SMU) program of its kind. This model SMU is designed for federal inmates from around the country identified as the most intractably troublesome, and features double-celling of inmates in tiny spaces, in 23-hour or 24-hour a day lockdown, requiring them to pass through a two-year program of readjustment. These spatial tactics, and the philosophy of punishment underlying them, contrast with the modern reform ideals upon which the prison was designed and built in 1932. The SMU represents the latest punitive phase in American penology, one that neither simply eliminates men as in the premodern spectacle, nor creates the docile, rehabilitated bodies of the modern panopticon; rather, it is a late-modern structure that produces only fear, terror, violence, and death. This SMU represents the latest of the late-modern prisons, similar to other supermax facilities in the US but offering its own unique system of punishment as well. While the prison exists within the system of American law and jurisprudence, it also manifests features of Agamben’s lawless, camp-like space that emerges during a state of exception, exempt from outside scrutiny with inmate treatment typically beyond the scope of the law.
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The US penitentiary at Lewisburg, Pennsylvania, was retrofitted in 2008 to offer the country's first federal Special Management Unit (SMU) program of its kind. This model SMU is designed for federal inmates from around the country identified as the most intractably troublesome, and features double-celling of inmates in tiny spaces, in 23-hour or 24-hour a day lockdown, requiring them to pass through a two-year program of readjustment. These spatial tactics, and the philosophy of punishment underlying them, contrast with the modern reform ideals upon which the prison was designed and built in 1932. The SMU represents the latest punitive phase in American penology, one that neither simply eliminates men as in the premodern spectacle, nor creates the docile, rehabilitated bodies of the modern panopticon; rather, it is a late-modern structure that produces only fear, terror, violence, and death. This SMU represents the latest of the late-modern prisons, similar to other supermax facilities in the US but offering its own unique system of punishment as well. While the prison exists within the system of American law and jurisprudence, it also manifests features of Agamben's lawless, camp-like space that emerges during a state of exception, exempt from outside scrutiny with inmate treatment typically beyond the scope of the law