Nicht kriegführend, aber doch Teil eines globalen Krieges: Perspektiven auf transnationale Verflechtungen der Schweiz im Ersten Weltkrieg

For a long time national narratives have dominated the histories of the First World War. This was also true in the case of Switzerland, although more recent research has tried to change this. The transnational entanglements of the country during the First World War have, however, not really been focused upon so far. This contribution tries to change this to a certain extent by presenting, on an exemplary basis, some aspects of such entanglements be they economic, humanitarian or politico-diplomatic. Taking into account that global history deals with macro-history as well as micro-history the focus will be on Switzerland’s role in the economic war, on Switzerland and the Hague Conventions at the beginning of the war, on the ICRC and the Agence Internationale des Prisonniers de Guerre, on some humanitarian actors such as Catharina Sturzenegger or Archibald-Rodolphe Reiss, on the extension of state power and the changes of constitutional relations as well as on the exemplary fate of three Swiss living in belligerent countries during the war.

Calculation Methodology and Fabrication Procedures for Particle Accelerator Strip-Line Kickers: Application to the CTF3 Combiner Ring Extraction Kicker and TL2 Tail Clippers

A particle accelerator is any device that, using electromagnetic fields, is able to communicate energy to charged particles (typically electrons or ionized atoms), accelerating and/or energizing them up to the required level for its purpose. The applications of particle accelerators are countless, beginning in a common TV CRT, passing through medical X-ray devices, and ending in large ion colliders utilized to find the smallest details of the matter. Among the other engineering applications, the ion implantation devices to obtain better semiconductors and materials of amazing properties are included. Materials supporting irradiation for future nuclear fusion plants are also benefited from particle accelerators. There are many devices in a particle accelerator required for its correct operation. The most important are the particle sources, the guiding, focalizing and correcting magnets, the radiofrequency accelerating cavities, the fast deflection devices, the beam diagnostic mechanisms and the particle detectors. Most of the fast particle deflection devices have been built historically by using copper coils and ferrite cores which could effectuate a relatively fast magnetic deflection, but needed large voltages and currents to counteract the high coil inductance in a response in the microseconds range. Various beam stability considerations and the new range of energies and sizes of present time accelerators and their rings require new devices featuring an improved wakefield behaviour and faster response (in the nanoseconds range). This can only be achieved by an electromagnetic deflection device based on a transmission line. The electromagnetic deflection device (strip-line kicker) produces a transverse displacement on the particle beam travelling close to the speed of light, in order to extract the particles to another experiment or to inject them into a different accelerator. The deflection is carried out by the means of two short, opposite phase pulses. The diversion of the particles is exerted by the integrated Lorentz force of the electromagnetic field travelling along the kicker. This Thesis deals with a detailed calculation, manufacturing and test methodology for strip-line kicker devices. The methodology is then applied to two real cases which are fully designed, built, tested and finally installed in the CTF3 accelerator facility at CERN (Geneva). Analytical and numerical calculations, both in 2D and 3D, are detailed starting from the basic specifications in order to obtain a conceptual design. Time domain and frequency domain calculations are developed in the process using different FDM and FEM codes. The following concepts among others are analyzed: scattering parameters, resonating high order modes, the wakefields, etc. Several contributions are presented in the calculation process dealing specifically with strip-line kicker devices fed by electromagnetic pulses. Materials and components typically used for the fabrication of these devices are analyzed in the manufacturing section. Mechanical supports and connexions of electrodes are also detailed, presenting some interesting contributions on these concepts. The electromagnetic and vacuum tests are then analyzed. These tests are required to ensure that the manufactured devices fulfil the specifications. Finally, and only from the analytical point of view, the strip-line kickers are studied together with a pulsed power supply based on solid state power switches (MOSFETs). The solid state technology applied to pulsed power supplies is introduced and several circuit topologies are modelled and simulated to obtain fast and good flat-top pulses.

A judicialização da política: o poder judiciário e a definição de políticas nacionais

O papel desempenhado pelo Poder Judiciário nos mais diversos Estados passa por sensível evolução ao longo do século XX, à medida que se desenvolveram os sistemas de controle de constitucionalidade. De um lado, os atores políticos assumem especial importância nesse processo. Os modelos de revisão judicial foram reforçados, no mais das vezes, em paralelo à positivação, em âmbito constitucional, de um amplo rol de direitos fundamentais e de princípios balizadores e limitadores do poder estatal. Com isso, os elementos cotejados no processo legislativo de tomada de decisões políticas são revestidos de status constitucional e transportados para o discurso argumentativo do Direito, o que leva a um processo de judicialização da Política que permite que a atividade legiferante seja passível de confronto perante instâncias judiciárias. Os instrumentos de controle de constitucionalidade assumem, assim, novos contornos, permitindo que o Judiciário interfira no conteúdo das escolhas políticas feitas pela maioria governante. De outro lado, o Poder Judiciário particularmente as Cortes Constitucionais passa a assumir a corresponsabilidade na efetivação das metas e compromissos estatais, com o que desenvolve uma política institucional mais proativa e comprometida com a concretização substancial de valores democráticos, interferindo, assim, de maneira mais incisiva e rígida no controle do processo político. A definição de políticas fundamentais e o processo legiferante passam a contar com constante participação do Judiciário. Na realidade brasileira, a Constituição de 1988 amplia as competência do Supremo Tribunal Federal em sede de controle de constitucionalidade, inserindo o órgão de maneira efetiva nesse contexto de intervenção judicial na Política. A última década, por sua vez, marcou uma perceptível mudança em sua atividade e em sua interferência no processo de tomada de decisões políticas pelos demais Poderes. Valendo-se dos diversos instrumentos de controle que lhe são disponibilizados, assumiu o compromisso de participar na efetivação dos preceitos constitucionais pátrios mediante a revisão do conteúdo normativo decorrente das escolhas políticas tomadas em outras instâncias. Desse modo, tornou-se verdadeiro copartícipe do processo de definição de políticas legislativas nacionais, seja rechaçando normas que repute inconstitucionais, seja proferindo decisões com claros efeitos normativos que buscam readequar e conformar as escolhas dos atores políticos. Nesse processo decisório, entra em jogo a intensidade com que a Corte busca impor sua visão e suas concepções no tocante à efetivação e concretização dos compromissos constitucionais. A sobreposição de ponderações judiciais e legislativas acarreta, a seu turno, importantes efeitos sistêmicos ao diálogo interinstitucional que se desenvolve entre os Poderes, em especial no que concerne à distribuição das funções estatais dentro das premissas democráticas e ao dimensionamento do papel que compete a cada um dos Poderes no processo de efetivação e proteção da Constituição.

Ambivalent Sovereignty

Ambivalent Sovereignty inquires into the subject of political realism. This subject, sovereign authority, appears to have a dual foundation. It appears divided against itself, but how can realism nonetheless observe legitimate modes of sovereignty emerge? Against the liberal idea that a "synthesis" of both material-coercive and ideal-persuasive powers should be accomplished, within the world of international relations, realism gives meaning to a structural type of state power that is also constitutionally and legitimately dividing itself--against itself. Machiavelli but particularly also other realists such as Hannah Arendt, Max Weber, and Aristotle are being reinterpreted to demonstrate why each state's ultimate authority may symbiotically emerge from its self-divisions, rather than from one synthetic unity. Whereas liberal theorists, from Montesquieu to John Rawls and Alexander Wendt, err too far in assuming the presence of the state's monistic authority, the realist theorists further advance an answer to how sovereign states may begin to both recognize and include only the most-legitimate manifestations of their common dualist authority. Ambivalent Sovereignty is relevant in this sense as it transcends-and-yet-includes these common dualities: freedom/necessity; emergence/causation; self-organization/power structures.

Big business in Belarus - its genesis, conditions and prospects. OSW Commentary No. 113, 2013-09-09

Over the past ten to twenty years, Belarus has seen a steep rise in the number of local dollar millionaires. This has somewhat undermined the myth of an egalitarian model of society promoted through the Belarusian state propaganda. There is a small group of businessmen among the top earners who, in exchange for their political loyalty and their consent to share profits with those in power, have enjoyed a number of privileges that allow them to safely conduct business in an environment typically hostile to private enterprise. The favourable conditions under which they are operating have enabled them not only to accumulate substantial capital, but also to invest it abroad. However, since such businesses are seen as providing a financial safety net for the regime, in 2011 and 2012 some of their directors received an EU travel ban, while their companies were subjected to economic sanctions by Brussels. At the same time, fearing that Belarus’s big business could become powerful enough to influence the country’s political scene (as has been the case in Russia and Ukraine), Alexander Lukashenka has actively prevented such players from becoming too independent. Consequently, Belarus has so far not developed its own elite class of oligarchs who would be able to actively influence government policy. The current informal agreement between the government in Minsk and big business has proved stable and is unlikely to change in the near future. Nonetheless, a reordering of state power giving Belarus’s big business significant political influence would be possible should Mr Lukashenka lose power in the next presidential election.

The unhappy marriage of religion and politics:problems and pitfalls for gender equality

This article explores how religion as a political force shapes and deflects the struggle for gender equality in contexts marked by different histories of nation building and challenges of ethnic diversity, different state–society relations (from the more authoritarian to the more democratic), and different relations between state power and religion (especially in the domain of marriage, family and personal laws). It shows how ‘private’ issues, related to the family, sexuality and reproduction, have become sites of intense public contestation between conservative religious actors wishing to regulate them based on some transcendent moral principle, and feminist and other human rights advocates basing their claims on pluralist and time- and context-specific solutions. Not only are claims of ‘divine truth’ justifying discriminatory practices against women hard to challenge, but the struggle for gender equality is further complicated by the manner in which it is closely tied up with, and inseparable from, struggles for social and economic justice, ethnic/racial recognition, and national self-determination vis-à-vis imperial/global domination.

A OAB no processo de transformação da sociedade brasileira: a seccional potiguar como espaço de redemocratização (1979-1988)

The period known as the Military Dictatorship (1964-1985) was a period of history marked by Brazil's control of state power by the Armed Forces together, this started with the Civil-Military Coup of April 1964. Was characterized as a time where political freedoms of expression and were placed in check by authoritarian and repressive measures taken by the military governments. The sectional potiguar of the Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB / RN), and the Federal Council of the institution, supported the establishment of this scam, but from the 1970s undertook measures that sought to corroborate the struggles around democracy the country, which has consolidated its image as a defender of democratic order. With the title inspired by the XII Meeting of OAB in October 1988, the research aims to analyze the participation of OAB / RN and its members within the Brazilian democratization. This analysis begins in 1979 with the participation of the entity in discussions Amnesty Policy to the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution, since the Constitution is the beginning of a full rule of law. We seek to understand the object as a space for democratization, combining the concepts of History, Memory and Politics. In the analyzes are guided theoretically by Jacques Le Goff, Pierre Nora, Maurice Halbwachs, Pierre Bourdieu and Hannah Arendt. Be rebuilt the period of democratic rule in the land potiguares birthing shares of OAB / RN, particularly in the following events: Amnesty Policy 1979, the mobilizations around the campaign of "Direct Now" and the 1988 Constitution We make use of legislation. minutes, papers and interviews built on Oral History.

O Supremo Tribunal Federal como agente tecnocrático no exercício da jurisdição constitucional na solução de casos complexos : análise das ações diretas de inconstitucionalidade nº 3937/SP e nº 3357/RS

Many changes have taken place in contemporary society causing impacts in its different sectors, making it much more complex and insecure than in past times. The alteration on the decision-making system of the Brazilian society is among the main changes today. The post-modern context contributed to the occurrence of the transfer of state power of the Legislative and Executive Powers to the Judiciary Power, specifically to the Federal Court of Justice, leading to an expansion on the actuation range of this institution mainly through the exercise of the constitutional jurisdiction. This has caused a crisis of legitimacy in society once the Court will now decide the political and social fundamental issues. In this scenario, the Direct Action of Unconstitutionality n° 3937/SP and n° 3357/RS are highlighted and both are being tried by the Supreme Court. Such emphasis is given, since it is a matter of high complexity and social repercussion that will be decided by a legal institution and not a political one. Thus, this work aims to analyze the role of the Supreme Court in the context of contemporary society on the trial of complex and controversial cases, particularly on the trial of Direct Action of Unconstitutionality n° 3937/SP and n° 3357/RS. This study has noticed that due to the post-modern context the majority of the Supreme Court Ministers tend to base their votes in constitutional principles and no longer limit themselves to a formal review of the constitutionality of laws, which indicates a substantialist approach. Moreover, it can be noticed the deliberative potential of the Court as well as the influence of the post-modern features, such as risk, uncertainty and insecurity on the elaboration of the Minister‟s votes. Therefore, sometimes, such as the case in study, the Supreme Court has acted as a technocratic agent in Brazilian society once fundamental political and social decisions for society especially when it comes to complex and controversial cases are being taken by the Supreme Court, which is composed by “Law technicians” and such decisions are mainly based in technical data and scientific studies. For the accomplishment of this work, it has been adopted the inductive approach and monographic procedure method and the bibliographical and documentary research technique.

History Matters: How International Regimes Become Entrenched—and Why We Suffer for It

International regimes are composite historical constructions. They are built-up through bricolage, as resource-strapped officials combine operational capacities, frequently turning to outside assistance. Who wins and loses—and why—when organisations are added or subtracted? What happens when inter-organisational relations are recalibrated? Why do regimes cohere as they do? By comparing the development of financial-regulatory regimes and probing other illustrative cases, I offer an explanatory framework that emphasizes the importance of timing and sequencing in determining outcomes. Thinking beyond interstate network effects and switching costs, I distil new data and theoretical insights into how and why temporality matters in global politics. I find that time structures the strategic bargaining contexts that mediate the intense distributional struggles between organisations driving key institutional reforms. The explanatory power of this framework upsets conventional wisdom whereby the distribution of state power, and the dynamics of interstate bargaining, are assumed the critical sources of institutional reform.

Professionalizing school governance: the disciplinary effects of school autonomy and inspection on the changing role of school governors

Since the 1980s, state schools in England have been required to ensure transparency and accountability through the use of indicators and templates derived from the private sector and, more recently, globally circulating discourses of ‘good governance’ (an appeal to professional standards, technical expertise, and performance evaluation as mechanisms for improving public service delivery). The rise of academies and free schools (‘state-funded independent schools’) has increased demand for good governance, notably as a means by which to discipline schools, in particular school governors – those tasked with the legal responsibility of holding senior leadership to account for the financial and educational performance of schools. A condition and effect of school autonomy, therefore, is increased monitoring and surveillance of all school governing bodies. In this paper, I demonstrate how these twin processes combine to produce a new modality of state power and intervention; a dominant or organizing principle by which government steer the performance of governors through disciplinary tools of professionalization and inspection, with the aim of achieving the ‘control of control’. To explain these trends, I explore how various established and emerging school governing bodies are (re)constituting themselves to meet demands for good governance.

Cultural Nationalism

Nationalism may involve the combination of culture and politics, but for many of its most prominent students, the former is subordinate to the latter. In this view, nationalist appeals to culture are a means to a political end; that is, the achievement of statehood. Hence, for Ernest Gellner (2006 [1983]: 124), culture is but an epiphenomenon, a ‘false-consciousness … hardly worth analyzing …’. For their part, Eric Hobsbawm and Terrence Ranger (1983) suggest that national traditions are ‘invented’ by elites concerned with the legitimization of state power. Similarly, John Breuilly (2006 [1982]: 11) defines national movements as ‘political movements … which seek to gain or exercise state power and justify their objectives in terms of nationalist doctrine’. A broadly similar characterization of nationalism can be found in the writings of many other esteemed scholars (Giddens, 1985; Laitin, 2007; Mann, 1995; Tilly, 1975). The privileging of politics over culture remains the dominant approach to understanding nationalism, but it is not without criticism. There is now a vast and rapidly growing body of literature insisting that the role of culture should be made more prominent. In opposition to the argument that nationalist appeals to culture are but an exercise in legitimation, this body of literature suggests that they can be ends unto themselves. This latter phenomenon, generally referred to as cultural nationalism, is the subject of this chapter. The chapter proceeds as follows. I begin with the definition and history of cultural nationalism before discussing several key themes in its study. To conclude, I briefly outline several lines of research that I believe hold particular potential for developing the field. In the light of the huge array of literature on cultural nationalism, the review is focused on seminal contributions.

Near-infrared polarimetry in the galactic center. On properties of Sagittarius A* and a dusty S-cluster object

Near-infrared polarimetry observation is a powerful tool to study the central sources at the center of the Milky Way. My aim of this thesis is to analyze the polarized emission present in the central few light years of the Galactic Center region, in particular the non-thermal polarized emission of Sagittarius~A* (Sgr~A*), the electromagnetic manifestation of the super-massive black hole, and the polarized emission of an infrared-excess source in the literature referred to as DSO/G2. This source is in orbit about Sgr~A*. In this thesis I focus onto the Galactic Center observations at $\lambda=2.2~\mu m$ ($K_\mathrm{s}$-band) in polarimetry mode during several epochs from 2004 to 2012. The near-infrared polarized observations have been carried out using the adaptive optics instrument NAOS/CONICA and Wollaston prism at the Very Large Telescope of ESO (European Southern Observatory). Linear polarization at 2.2 $\mu m$, its flux statistics and time variation, can be used to constrain the physical conditions of the accretion process onto the central super-massive black hole. I present a statistical analysis of polarized $K_\mathrm{s}$-band emission from Sgr~A* and investigate the most comprehensive sample of near-infrared polarimetric light curves of this source up to now. I find several polarized flux excursions during the years and obtain an exponent of about 4 for the power-law fitted to polarized flux density distribution of fluxes above 5~mJy. Therefore, this distribution is closely linked to the single state power-law distribution of the total $K_\mathrm{s}$-band flux densities reported earlier by us. I find polarization degrees of the order of 20\%$\pm$10\% and a preferred polarization angle of $13^o\pm15^o$. Based on simulations of polarimetric measurements given the observed flux density and its uncertainty in orthogonal polarimetry channels, I find that the uncertainties of polarization parameters under a total flux density of $\sim 2\,{\mathrm{mJy}}$ are probably dominated by observational uncertainties. At higher flux densities there are intrinsic variations of polarization degree and angle within rather well constrained ranges. Since the emission is most likely due to optically thin synchrotron radiation, the obtained preferred polarization angle is very likely reflecting the intrinsic orientation of the Sgr~A* system i.e. an accretion disk or jet/wind scenario coupled to the super-massive black hole. Our polarization statistics show that Sgr~A* must be a stable system, both in terms of geometry, and the accretion process. I also investigate an infrared-excess source called G2 or Dusty S-cluster Object (DSO) moving on a highly eccentric orbit around the Galaxy's central black hole, Sgr~A*. I use for the first time the near-infrared polarimetric imaging data to determine the nature and the properties of DSO and obtain an improved $K_\mathrm{s}$-band identification of this source in median polarimetry images of different observing years. The source starts to deviate from the stellar confusion in 2008 data and it does not show a flux density variability based on our data set. Furthermore, I measure the polarization degree and angle of this source and conclude based on the simulations on polarization parameters that it is an intrinsically polarized source with a varying polarization angle as it approaches Sgr~A* position. I use the interpretation of the DSO polarimetry measurements to assess its possible properties.