923 resultados para South-korea


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Australia and South Korea have signed a new free trade agreement - the Korea-Australia Free Trade Agreement (KAFTA). Is it a fair trade fairytale? Or is it a dirty deal done dirt cheap? Or somewhere in between? It is hard to tell, given the initial secrecy of the negotiations, and the complexity of the texts of the agreement There has been much debate in Parliament over the transparency of the trade agreement; the scope of market access provided under the deal; the impact of the investment chapter, with its investor-state dispute settlement clause; the intellectual property chapter; the environment chapter; its impact upon public health; and the labor rights chapter. KAFTA provides an indication of the approach of the new Conservative Government in Australia to other trade deals – such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership.

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Illicit drug consumption in five cities in South Korea was estimated by analyzing 17 drug residues in untreated wastewater samples collected during the Christmas and New Year period of 2012-13. Only methamphetamine, amphetamine, and codeine were detected at concentrations of tens of nanograms per liter or even lower concentrations in more than 90% of the samples. Other illicit drug residues (including cocaine, methadone, and benzoylecgonine) that have been detected frequently in wastewater from other countries were not found in this study. Methamphetamine was found to be the most widely used illicit drug in South Korea, and the estimated average consumption rate was 22 mg d−1 (1000 people)−1. This rate is, for example, 2-5 times lower than the estimated average consumption rates in Hong Kong and other parts of China and 4-80 times lower than the estimated average consumption rates in cities in Western countries. It should be noted that the wastewater samples analyzed in this study were collected during a holiday season, when daily consumption of illicit drugs is often higher than on an average day. The methamphetamine usage rates were calculated for different cities in South Korea, and the usage rates in smaller cities was higher (2-4 times) than the average.

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This study examined the attitudes of South Korean teachers of English in Jeollanamdo toward Konglish, particularly in relation to English education. The literature search shows that Konglish is a typical local variety, evolved from the borrowing and redefining of English words that became part of everyday South Korean speech. Konglish is not unique in this regard. Japlish in Japan and Chinglish in China developed for similar reasons and display the distinctive characteristics of those languages. However, Konglish is usually defined as poor and incorrect. Teachers in the study expressed embarrassment, shyness, guilt, and anger about Konglish. On the other hand, they also valued it as something uniquely theirs. Teachers believed that students should not be taught that Konglish is bad English. However, students should be taught that it is poor or incorrect. With few exceptions, they correct Konglish in their classes. Teachers exhibited considerable inner conflict. They defined Konglish as valid when used in Korea with Koreans. However, some preferred that their students not use it, even with their friends. This may cause students to judge Konglish as unacceptable or inferior. The teachers believed that students should learn to distinguish between Konglish and "Standard English," and that they should learn about the contexts in which each is appropriate or preferred. The conclusion, therefore, is that South Korean teachers see the value of teaching about varieties of English. The recommendations are that intelligibility, broader communication skills, and information about International English be included in the curriculum in South Korea.

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The Republic of Korea and Japan share a tumultuous history, but arguably no period has caused greater trauma in bilateral relations than the twentieth century. After Japan’s four-decade long colonial occupation of Korea, the two countries took two decades just to establish diplomatic relations. Subsequent interactions have remained seriously compromised by the memory of colonialism. This article reviews the tensions behind the tempestuous bilateral relationship, focusing on the depiction of Japan’s wartime past in school textbooks. We advance three suggestions for reconciliation: viewing reconciliation not as the restoration of a harmonious pre-conflict order, but as an ongoing, incomplete process; expanding promising bilateral dialogues; and accepting that there will always be differences between Korea and Japan, most notably with regard to representations of the past. Rather than being an inevitable source of conflict, these differences should contribute to an ongoing process of negotiation between the two neighbors.

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South Korea is often cited as a case of miraculous transformation from poverty to prosperity. Korea’s achievement of moving from one of the world’s poorest countries as recently as the early 1960s to the ranks of the ten biggest economies only four decades later has rightly attracted interest from policymakers and scholars alike.

This book identifies the factors that shaped relations between the state and big business in Korea, the ‘developmental alliance’. These factors offer a cogent framework in which to identify and predict changes in power relations between government and business. Rather than merely offering a means of explaining the rapid-growth phase of Korean development, the politics of the developmental alliance also help us understand how and why the Korean miracle turned to crisis in 1997 and why the subsequent recovery has been so uneven. In this way, the book highlights the political power of business, which is often underplayed in discussions of the development of Korea. It also sheds light on the constraints on policymakers during modernisation, and how power is shared among a small number of powerful parties.

Illustrating the tumultuous politics of the ‘developmental alliance’ between business and government during the rise and decline of South Korea’s economic miracle, this book is an essential read for anyone interested in Korean politcs, economics and development,

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North Korea occupies a unique place in the thinking of US policymakers insofar as it represents both a direct, physical threat and also a reminder of the limits to American power. In numerous ways, North Korea is anathema to the US: it has fulsomely rejected America’s systems of political–economic organisation, its gradual rapproachment with South Korea threatens to undermine the rationale for America’s military presence in Northeast Asia, and its possession of nuclear weapons threatens the safety of the US and its allies. For these reasons, and despite its lowly standing in the international political system, North Korea continues to severely frustrate the superpower’s interests and thus represents an existential threat to the US.

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In winning the presidential and legislative elections of 2007-8, the Grand National Party and its leader Lee Myung-bak have attained a potentially unique opportunity to influence South Korea's political, economic and diplomatic trajectory. This paper reviews Korea's 'once in a generation' election and prospects for change under President Lee. Despite the political capital accrued from his party's landslide victories, Lee appears set to replicate previous incumbents of the presidency, each of whom has been overwhelmed by the high expectations of the public on the one hand, and the harsh constraints imposed by Korea's geopolitical position on the other.

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This letter applies the Zivot and Andrews (Journal of Business and Economic Statistics, 10, 251-70, 1992) one break and the Lumsdaine and Papell (Review of Economic and Statistics, 79, 212-8, 1997) two break unit root tests to examine the random walk hypothesis for stock prices in South Korea. The results provide strong evidence that stock prices in South Korea are characterized by a unit root, which is consistent with the efficient market hypothesis.

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Debate has long surrounded corporatism’s depictions of power and the state, and the rise of neoliberalism has raised even more doubts about corporatism as an analytical construct. Faltering growth and rising unemployment in Sweden and Korea after financial crises in the 1990s seemed to confirm neoliberal expectations that all varieties of corporatism (state/authoritarian and societal/democratic) are doomed to decline, and that corporatism will converge on liberalism. Closer examination of the 1990s crises suggests that Swedish and Korean institutions have transformed rather than collapsed. Corporatist institutions have been transformed by ideas about networks and governance, interaction between national and international institutions and shifting alliances among export-oriented and competition-shielded employers, private and public sector unions and citizen networks. This article argues that the ‘dynamics of contention’ can explain how these new ideas and alliances transformed regimes in Sweden and Korea and as such constitute an alternative to corporatism as an analytical construct.

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This article analyses the Korean developmental state since the late 1990s, and argues that the state has continued to play a weighty role in the economy. The state guided industrial and financial restructuring after the Asian economic crisis, and intervened to stimulate the economy during the 2008 global financial crisis. In doing so, state elites have displayed a distinctive form of economic leadership that is largely consistent with the developmental state. Rather than focusing predominantly on performance-related indicators of state strength such as growth rates, this article analyses the deeper aspects of the developmental state, specifically its internal functions and its collaboration with business. The article brings politics back into analysis of the developmental state by questioning the assumption that strong economic performance is necessary for the maintenance of close ties between the state and chaebol. Instead, economic performance is better understood as a predictor of patterns of conflict and cooperation. Longstanding ties between the state and big business have endured two significant economic crises, even if the performance of the developmental state has been degraded compared to earlier decades.

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Als charakteristische Besonderheit in der koreanischen Geschichte besitzt der Korea-Krieg eine wichtige Position, so dass er bisher die gesamte Landesstruktur und -geschichte stark beeinflusst hat. Das gilt auch für die koreanische Filmgeschichte und nach dem Korea-Krieg im Jahr 1950 wurde in den Filmen das Thema „Landesteilung“ häufig aufgegriffen und bis heute oft behandelt.rnIn dieser Untersuchung werden solche Filme als Konflikt-Filme bezeichnet, die die Spaltung des Landes und die Beziehungen zu Nordkorea thematisieren, und insgesamt 60 Beispielfilme aus verschiedenen Filmgenres seit dem Ende des Korea-Kriegs bis zur Gegenwart analysiert und unter dem Aspekt beleuchtet, wie diese politischen und gesellschaftlichen Themen über das Verhältnis zwischen Süd- und Nordkorea repräsentiert werden. Mit Hilfe von Beispielfilmen wird versucht, herauszufinden, wie stark und unterschiedlich der Bruderkrieg und die davon abgeleitete Teilung des Landes in südkoreanischen Filmen im Wandel der Geschichte widergespiegelt werden. rnDiese Arbeit setzt sich zuerst mit Kracauers Spiegeltheorie, einer filmsoziologischen Theorie, und der Genretheorie als wichtigen theoretischen Überlegungen auseinander, um zu verdeutlichen, in welchem Bezug Konfliktfilme über die südkoreanische Gesellschaft angesehen werden und welche Rolle sie als Spiegel der Gesellschaft spielen, um gesellschaftliche Stimmungen, Bewusstseinsformen und Wünsche zu verdeutlichen. Dabei werden die kulturellen und gesellschaftlichen sowie filmwirtschaftlichen Aspekte berücksichtigt. rnDie vorliegende Arbeit bietet einen umfangreichen Überblick über den Konfliktfilm im südkoreanischen Kino seit dem Korea-Krieg. Die koreanischen Konflikt-Filme als regional-spezifische Filmkategorie stehen im engen Zusammenhang mit dieser politischen Situation und die Darstellung sowie Thematisierung Nordkoreas werden jeweils durch die verschiedenen Generationen der Filmemacher unterschiedlich präsentiert. Im südkoreanischen Diskurs bilden sie ein eigenes Genre, das alle klassischen und gemischten Filmgenres integriert; im Wandel der Geschichte haben sie sich dabei stetig weiterentwickelt, in engem Zusammenhang mit der Politik der verschiedenen Präsidenten Südkoreas gegenüber Nordkorea. rn

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Foraminiferal assemblage and stable isotopic data are presented for three Quaternary piston cores from Ulleung Basin, East Sea of Korea ((ESK) Japan Sea) near the Korean Peninsula. Major changes in both temperature and salinity strongly affected surface and deep waters of the ESK during the transition from the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) to the middle Holocene. Local environmental effects dominated during the LGM and the Bølling/Allerød (B/A) when the ESK became semi-isolated from the Pacific Ocean. Regional/global influences dominated following the B/A, after sufficient reconnection with the Pacific. This is reflected in the foraminiferal d18O record which was largely salinity-controlled before the Younger Dryas (YD) and temperature-controlled after the YD. Paleoceanographic changes in the ESK during the last deglaciation reflect sequential reconnection with the Pacific Ocean, through gateways, first (B/A) in the north (Tsugaru Strait) and later (Holocene) in the south (Korea Strait).

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Phanerozoic granitoids are widespread in the Korean Peninsula and form a part of the East Asian Cordilleran-type granitoid belt extending from southeastern China to Far East Russia. Here we present SHRIMP zircon U-Pb ages and geochemical and Nd isotopic compositions of Late Paleozoic to Early Jurassic granitoid plutons in the northern Gyeongsang basin, southeastern Korea; namely the Jangsari, Yeongdeok, Yeonghae, and Satkatbong plutons. The granite and associated gabbroic rocks from the Jangsari pluton were coeval and respectively dated at 257.3 ± 2.0 Ma and 255.7 ± 1.4 Ma. This result represents the first finding of a Late Paleozoic pluton in South Korea. Three granite samples from the Yeongdeok pluton yielded a slightly younger age span ranging from 252.9 ± 2.5 Ma to 246.7 ± 2.1 Ma. Two diorite samples from the Yeonghae pluton gave much younger ages of 195.1 ± 1.9 Ma and 196.3 ± 1.6 Ma. An Early Jurassic age of 192.4 ± 1.6 Ma was also obtained from a diorite sample from the Satkatbong pluton. The mineral assemblage and Al2O3/(Na2O + K2O) versus Al2O3/(CaO + Na2O + K2O) relationship indicate that all the analyzed plutons are subduction zone granitoids. Enrichments in large-ion-lithophile-elements and depletions in high-field-strength-elements of these plutons are also concordant with geochemical characteristics typical for the subduction zone magma. The presence of Late Permian to Early Triassic arc system is in contrast with the conventional idea that the arc magmatism along the continental margin of the Korean Peninsula has commenced from Early Jurassic after the termination of Triassic collisional orogenesis. The epsilon-Nd(t) values of the granitoid plutons are consistently positive (2.4-4.6), suggesting that crustal residence time of the basement beneath the Gyeongsang basin is relatively short. Moreover, the reevaluation of previously-published data reveals that geochemical compositions of the Yeongdeok pluton are compatible with those of high-silica adakites; La/Yb = 37.5-114.6, Sr/Y = 138.2-214.0, SiO2 = 62.9-72.0 wt. %, Al2O3 = 15.5-17.0 wt. %, Sr = 562-1173 ppm, MgO = 0.4-1.6 wt. %, Y = 3-6 ppm, Yb = 0.18-0.45 ppm, and Eu/Eu* = 0.92-1.31. The occurrence of adakites in southeastern Korea, and presumably in the Hida belt of central-western Japan, is indicative of a hot subduction regime developing at least partly along the East Asian continental margin during the Permian-Triassic transition period.