962 resultados para Social discourses
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Pós-graduação em Odontologia Preventiva e Social - FOA
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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O texto expõe como se instituiu uma das oposições fundamentais na organização de nossa sociedade. A partir da reconstrução histórica do processo de normalização chegamos ao movimento sócio-científico da Eugenia e a poderosa teoria da hereditariedade sob o qual ela se assentava. A categoria social dos anormais é analisada como produto de discursos e práticas sociais, portanto, historicamente. Por fim, apresentamos algumas considerações sobre a polaridade normalidade e patologia na sociedade contemporânea e a persistência de teorias que visam naturalizar diferenças individuais e desigualdades sociais.
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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC
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The concept of resilience is often situated in a dominant discourse that reflects medical and developmentalist epistemology, in Western models, with the ideology of white people, and middle class hegemonic norms. Behavior that falls outside of the normal, or what is socially acceptable, is associated with riskiness and tacitly if not explicitly labeled as pathological, and then, not resilient. However, the context of social injustice of many young people at-risk can have drastic effects on them. When we offer institutions such as schools that do not understand their needs, they may refuse our services and some of them may engage in antisocial activities, since they are looking for personal validation, pathways to recognize themselves, and places and organizations that contribute to the building of their social identity. This paper analyses how the denial of support and resources for the wellbeing of young people can lead them to situations that are socially unacceptable, such as sexual exploitation and drug trafficking. The main argument is that these activities, in the absence of conventional mechanisms, may bring some benefit to the subjects. Benefits may be in material conditions, though strongly marked by issues of social inequality; or subjective, in gaining relationships with people outside the normative places and institutions for young people. Unconventional circumstances produce unconventional attitudes that are expressed in alternative forms of resilience.
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The means of mass communication are powerful tools to the spread of a concept as persuasion is a strong characteristic of discourses that gather around the sphere of communication, especially in advertising discourses. By the end of the 90’s, the advertisement “Down: the worst syndrome is prejudice”, did great success approaching prejudice / pre-concept in a subtle and innovative way, due its outstanding purpose and style inserting two boys in a carousel, one is a street child, the other a Down syndrome patient. The advertisement reveals a speak project of diffusion and spread of ideas that down syndrome patients are capable of dealing and supporting a routine full of activities, making a opposition to the campaigns and ideas that, in spite of raising the respect towards these kids, only contributed with the attenuation of their handicaps. Our objective is to investigate the presence of these social values in the quoted audio-visual material, and for that we’ve searched the contextualization of the advertisement in its own time period. The theory and methodological aspects got their base in Bakhtinian studies and concepts; we used the concepts of discourse gender, chronotope and mainly dialogism and enunciation. We analyzed the style utilized in the advertisement, the dialogue between the politically correct and the prejudice speeches, the verbal discourse of the music that flows with the progress of the enunciation, the non-verbal discourse of the photography (nostalgic, producing effects of sense in its relation with memory), the chronotope present in the utilization of the carousel and its significations. We concluded that the accession of the recipient, in it responsive comprehension of the enunciation at hand, is an effect produced by the well-succeded addition of these different types of discourses
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS
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This essay aims to contribute to discuss public policies of social protection and practice guidelines for psychosocial care. Targeting children and underage adolescents whose documents, even though permeated with egalitarian discourses and promoted actions aimed at the construction of autonomy, continue endorsing welfare guardianship and addressed to the people classified as at-risk through biopolitical, disciplinary and security technologies based on a minority logic. The essay problematizes the ways in which psychology has found legitimacy in practices that eventually looms confinement practices which aspire to move away from, as was evidenced by documents and practices.
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Pós-graduação em Psicologia - FCLAS
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Dentistry is nowadays open to new ideas about the constructions of meanings for oral health. This openness tallies with the social production of health and shows the need to contextualize the social, historical and sundry knowledge in the development of oral health for different communities. The scope of this research is to build meanings for oral health with a group of elderly people. With this in mind, we propose an approximation between the discourses of the elderly on oral health and the Social Constructionist discourse. Thus, we interviewed 14 elderly people registered with a Family Health Unit in Ribeirao Preto in the State of Sao Paulo in the first semester of 2010. This enabled us to identify two Interpretative Repertoires with the use of Discourse Analysis, which showed the relationship between: 1 Lack of dental information and assistance in childhood; and 2 - Primary Healthcare constructing meaning for oral health. We concluded that Social Constructionism assists epistemologically for the construction of meaning for oral health and that Primary Healthcare is essential for valuing healthcare for the construction of meaning for oral health on the part of the elderly by fostering conditions for self care and healthy attitudes.
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At the time of writing, all three elements that are evoked in the title – emancipation and social inclusion of sexual minorities, labour and labour activism, and the idea and substance of “Europe” – are being invested by deep, long-term, and – to varied degrees – radical processes of social transformation. The meaning of words like “equality”, “rights”, “inclusion”, and even “democracy” is as precarious and uncertain as are the lives of those European citizens who are marginalised by intersecting conditions of gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and class – in a constellation of precarities that is both unifying and fragmented (fragmenting). Conflicts are played, in hidden or explicit ways, over material processes of redistribution as well as discursive practices that revolve around these words. Against this backdrop, and roughly ten years after the European Union provided an input for institutional commitment to the protection of LGBT* workers' rights with the Council Directive 2000/78/EC, the dissertation contrasts discourses on workplace equality for LGBT* persons produced by a plurality of actors, seeking to identify values, semantics, and agendas framing and informing organisations’ views and showing how each actor has incorporated LGBT* rights into its own discourse, each time in a way that is functional to the construction and/or confirmation of its organisational identity: transnational union networks, by presenting LGBT* rights as a natural, neutral commitment within the framework of universal human rights protection; left-wing organisations, by collocating activism for LGBT* rights within a wider project of social emancipation that is for all the marginalised, yet is not neutral, but attached to specific values and opposed to specific political adversaries (the right-wing, the nationalists); business networks, by acknowledging diversity as a path to better performance and profits, thus encouraging inclusion and non-discrimination of “deserving” LGBT* workers.
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Diversity and demands for equality have challenged fixed notions of identity amongst the diverse populations of Europe. This development has prompted discourses about the significance of fluidity and multiplicity in identities that have given prominence to postmodern theories in the profession of social work. A number of social work educators have contributed to the ensuing debates. Walter Lorenz’s work has contributed substantially to developments on this front by:highlighting the dangers of essentialising fixed identities in professional practice, referring to the failure of social workers to live up to professional values and ideals in the Nazi attack on Jews and others who were different from the Aryan norms that Hitler’s regime sought to impose; arguing for racial equality in multicultural Europe; and ensuring that social work theories and practice engaged with innovations in the social sciences more generally to improve the profession’s research, theoretical and practice bases. In this article, I engage with crucial debates that have shaped the profession during the post-war period, honouring Walter Lorenz’s contributions to them in the process.
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Several commentators have expressed disappointment with New Labour's apparent adherence to the policy frameworks of the previous Conservative administrations. The employment orientation of its welfare programmes, the contradictory nature of the social exclusion initiatives, and the continuing obsession with public sector marketisation, inspections, audits, standards and so on, have all come under critical scrutiny (c.f., Blyth 2001; Jordan 2001; Orme 2001). This paper suggests that in order to understand the socio-economic and political contexts affecting social work we need to examine the relationship between New Labour's modernisation project and its insertion within an architecture of global governance. In particular, membership of the European Union (EU), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Trade Organisation (WTO) set the parameters for domestic policy in important ways. Whilst much has been written about the economic dimensions of 'globalisation' in relation to social work rather less has been noted about the ways in which domestic policy agenda are driven by multilateral governance objectives. This policy dimension is important in trying to respond to various changes affecting social work as a professional activity. What is possible, what is encouraged, how things might be done, is tightly bounded by the policy frameworks governing practice and affected by those governing the lives of service users. It is unhelpful to see policy formulation in purely national terms as the UK is inserted into a network governance structure, a regulatory framework where decisions are made by many countries and organisations and agencies. Together, they are producing a 'new legal regime', characterised by a marked neo-liberal policy agenda. This paper aims to demonstrate the relationship of New Labour's modernisation programme to these new forms of legality by examining two main policy areas and the welfare implications they are enmeshed in. The first is privatisation, and the second is social policy in the European Union. Examining these areas allows a demonstration of how much of the New Labour programme can be understood as a local implementation of a transnational strategy, how parts of that strategy produce much of the social exclusion it purports to address, and how social welfare, and particularly social work, are noticeable by their absence within policy discourses of the strategy. The paper details how the privatisation programme is considered to be a crucial vehicle for the further development of a transnational political-economy, where capital accumulation has been redefined as 'welfare'. In this development, frameworks, codes and standards are central, and the final section of the paper examines how the modernisation strategy of the European Union depends upon social policy marked by an employment orientation and risk rationality, aimed at reconfiguring citizen identities.The strategy is governed through an 'open mode of coordination', in which codes, standards, benchmarks and so on play an important role. The paper considers the modernisation strategy and new legality within which it is embedded as dependent upon social policy as a technology of liberal governance, one demonstrating a new rationality in comparison to that governing post-Second World War welfare, and which aims to reconfigure institutional infrastructure and citizen identity.
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The feature of this paper is a critical assessment of the current discourses about quality of life (QoL) and their implications for Social Work. At first it pictures some major historical backgrounds of the discussion on the improvement of life quality as an aim of societal development. In particular three crucial shifts in the politics of QoL - its 'individualisation', its 'informalisation' and its 'culturalisation' - and their implications for Social Work are critically examined theoretically and empirically referring to the results of an own community-study. The paper concludes with an alternative suggestion reflecting the idea of an 'autonomy-based' approach of democratic equality.