992 resultados para Skilled female migration
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In this paper we build a theoretical model on the wage effect of skilled emigration to the fluctuations in real exchange rate through the relative prices of nontradables. Our theoretical model predicts that skilled emigration is associated with an increase in the prices of nontradable, which in turn appreciates the exchange rate. We provide robust empirical support to a higher skilled emigration associated with higher prices in nontradables and appreciation of the real effective exchange rate. Based on two samples of countries with 51 and 67 observations, in 1990 and 2000 respectively, we find robust empirical support to a higher skilled emigration associated with higher prices in nontradables and appreciation of the REER. In addition, the support for the remittance-channel of the Dutch disease is also significant; overall, our findings corroborate the remittance-based Dutch disease phenomenon by providing an additional channel through which the labor mobility across borders affects the real exchange rate volatility.
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There is general consensus that to achieve employment growth, especially for vulnerable groups, it is not sufficient to simply kick-start economic growth: skills among both the high- and low-skilled population need to be improved. In particular, we argue that if the lack of graduates in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) is a true problem, it needs to be tackled via incentives and not simply via public campaigns: students are not enrolling in ‘hard-science’ subjects because the opportunity cost is very high. As far as the low-skilled population is concerned, we encourage EU and national policy-makers to invest in a more comprehensive view of this phenomenon. The ‘low-skilled’ label can hide a number of different scenarios: labour market detachment, migration, and obsolete skills that are the result of macroeconomic structural changes. For this reason lifelong learning is necessary to keep up with new technology and to shield workers from the risk of skills obsolescence and detachment from the labour market.
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The purpose of this article is to explain the importance and necessity of satisfying labour demands through the migration of less-skilled workers. It will also argue that more work is needed to anticipate labour and skill shortages and will examine ways of better identifying the role of mid- and low-skilled migration in filling such shortages.
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Introduction. It is quite uncommon to associate migration with the rules on services trade. Indeed, all economic definitions of services insist on their immaterial nature and on the increased possibility of trading them ‘virtually’ over networks or else, without any physical movement of the parties involved. Somehow this ‘immaterial’ nature of services reflects on their providers/recipients which seem to be ‘invisible’. Even though most services still require the physical contact of the provider with the recipient1 and, when provided over national borders, do entail migration, service providers and/or recipients are rarely thought of as ‘immigrants’. This may be due to the fact that they enter the foreign territory with a specific aim and, once this aim accomplished, move back to their state of origin; technically they only qualify as short term non-cyclical migrants and are of little interest to policy-makers. A second reason may be that both service providers and recipients are economically desirable: the former are typically highly skilled and trained professionals and the latter are well-off ‘visitors’, increasing consumption in the host state. The legal definition of services in Article 57 TFEU (ex Art. 50 EC) further nourishes this idea about service providers/recipients not being migrants: the relevant Treaty rules only apply when the provisions on free movement of workers and freedom of establishment – themselves clearly linked to migration – do not apply. This distinction has been fleshed up by the ECJ which has consistently held that the distinction between the rules on establishment, on the one hand, and the rules on services, on the other, lies on duration.2 Indeed, all EC manuals state four types of service provision falling under the EC Treaty: a) where the service provider moves to the recipient’s state, for a short period of time (longer stay would amount to establishment), b) where the service recipients themselves move to the state where the service is offered (eg for medical care, education, tourism etc), c) where both service providers and recipients move together in another member state (eg a tourist guide accompanying a group travelling abroad) and d) where the service itself is provided across the borders (typically through the use of ICTs). None of these situations would typically qualify as migration. The above ‘dissociation’ between services and migration has been gradually weakened in the recent years. Indeed, migration is increasingly connected to the transnational provision of services. This is the result of three kinds of factors: developments in the European Court of Justice’s (ECJ) case law; legislative initiatives in the EU; and the GATS. Each one of these is considered in some detail below. The aim of the analysis which follows is to show the extent to which (legislative and judicial) policies aimed at the free provision of services actively affect migration conditions within the EU. The EC rules on the provision of services primarily affect the movement of EU nationals. As it will be shown below, however, third country nationals (TCNs) may also claim the benefits of the rules on services, either as recipients thereof or as employees of some EC undertaking which is providing services in another member state (posted workers).
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This paper, which draws on research findings from the NEUJOBS project, encourages EU and national policy-makers to invest in a more comprehensive view of the phenomenon of ‘low-skilledness’. The ‘low-skilled’ label can hide a number of different scenarios: labour market detachment, migration and obsolete skills that are the result of macroeconomic structural changes. For this reason, the authors argue that it is necessary to promote lifelong learning to allow workers to keep pace with new technologies and to shield workers from the risk of skills obsolescence and detachment from the labour market.
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In an ageing world with demographic and economic imbalances, the number of international migrants is likely to rise during the twenty-first century. The geography of migration flows is changing, however. Mobile people will be increasingly attracted by faster-growing economies. Therefore, some traditional destinations in western Europe will face stronger competition for skilled labour-not least from countries like China where the working-age population will shrink after 2020. At the same time, the sentiment in many European receiving societies is turning against migration and intra-European Union mobility.
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With the signing of the ASEAN Framework Agreement for the Integration of Priority Sectors (FA) in 2004, migration and integration issues gained significance on the agenda. Primarily concerned with increasing economic growth, this framework excludes the integration of low and unskilled migrant workers; instead, ASEAN efforts to address migration and integration issues have been limited to Mutual Recognition Agreements for skilled labour and professionals. After an analysis of migration policy in the region, we highlight specific barriers to the integration of labour migrants in two priority sectors – nursing, which is highly regulated by the state, and Information, Communications and Technology (ICT), which is typically selfregulated and privately run. Despite a MRA for nursing allowing registered nurses to practice in another ASEAN country under supervision of local nurses without registering with the host country’s nursing regulatory authority, in practice, there are major barriers to the free movement of nurses within ASEAN in terms of skills recognition, licensure requirements and other protectionist measures. Although regulations governing the inflow of ICT professionals are not as stringent as those for healthcare professionals, private costs associated with job search and gaining foreign employment are higher in the ICT sector, largely due to limited information on international mobility within the industry. Three sets of barriers to greater integration are discussed. First, the economic and political diversity within ASEAN makes integration more problematic than in the European Union. Second, the primary concern with value-adding economic growth means that regional agreements are focused on skilled and professional labour migration only. Third, the “ASEAN way” of doing things – via a strong emphasis on consensus and non-interference with domestic policies – often means that the FA provision for the free movement of labour is usually trumped by domestic policies that do not reflect the same desire for labour integration.
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In the aftermath of World War II, about 20,000 people who had experienced displacement entered Belgium.1 Among those there were about 350 soldiers serving in the Polish armed forces in the West, and about 4,000 ostarbeiterinnen - young female Soviet citizens who were deported to Nazi Germany to do forced labour. All the soldiers and Soviet women married Belgian citizens, and most settled in the home town or city of their spouses. This paper focuses on the war memories of these migrants in post-war life, memories that were arguably shaped not only by the characteristics of their war experiences themselves, but also by the changing positions which they held within their home and host societies. Following the migrants from their moment of settlement until today, the article highlights the changing dynamics of their war memories over time, starting during the Cold War era and ending up in present day Europe. As such, the study finds itself on the crossroads of memory and migration studies, two academic disciplines that only recently started to dialogue with each other.2 Before analysing the arrival, settlement and war memories of the Displaced Persons at study, I give an interpretation of academic literature on memory of World War II from the perspective of migration studies.
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Little is known of the structure of the international migration of skilled health professionals. Accelerated migration of doctors and nurses from the Pacific island states of Fiji, Samoa and Tonga to the Pacific periphery is part of the globalization of health care. The findings from a recent survey of 251 doctors and nurses from the three island countries are reported here. Key determinants of both present migration status and future migration intentions were analyzed using econometric methods. Nurses' and doctors' propensities to migrate are influenced by both income and non-income factors, including ownership of businesses and houses. Migrants also tend to have more close relatives overseas, to have trained there, and so experienced superior working conditions. Migration propensities vary between countries, and between nurses and doctors within countries. Tongan nurses have a higher propensity to migrate, mainly because of greater relative earnings differentials, but are also more likely to return home. The role of kinship ties, relative income differentials and working conditions is evident in other developing country contexts. Remittances and return migration, alongside business investment, bring some benefits to compensate for the skill drain. National development policies should focus on encouraging return migration, alongside retention and recruitment, but are unlikely to prevent out migration. (C) 2003 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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An investigation was made into the nature and control of the annual reproductive cycle of the dace, Leuciscus leuciscus. It includes 1) a study of the natural reproductive cycle, 2) the use of Carp Pituitary Extract (CPE) to induce final maturation and ovulation in captive fish, 3) the effect of artificial light treatments on ovarian development and 4) the measurement of serum melatonin levels under different photoperiod regimes. Ovarian development was monitored by endocrinological data, notably serum cycles of 17-oestradiol (E2), testosterone (T), and calcium (as an index of vitellogenin), oocyte diameter, the gonadosomatic index and histological studies of the ovary. Under natural conditions, ovarian development can broadly be divided into 4 stages: 1) oogenesis which occurs immediately after spawning; 2) a primary growth phase (previtellogenic growth) prevalent between spawning and June; 3) a secondary growth phase (yolk vesicle plus vitellogenic growth) occurring between June and December and 4) final maturation and ovulation which occurs in mid-March. During the annual ovarian cycle, the sex steroids E2 and T showed two clear elevations. The first occurred initially in April followed by a rise in serum calcium levels. This subsequently initiated the appearance of yolk granules in the oocytes in June. The second rise occurred in September and levels were maintained until December, after which there was a decline in serum E2 levels. It is proposed that in the dace, high serum E2 levels between September and December were required to maintain vitellogenin production and therefore its uptake into the developing oocytes which occurred during this time, albeit at a slower rate than in the summer months. After December, prior to final maturation, whereas serum E2 and calcium levels declined, serum T levels remained elevated. In captivity, final maturation beyond the germinal vesicle migration stage failed to occur suggesting that the stimuli required for these events were absent. However ovulation could be induced by a single injection of CPE, which induced ovulation between 6 and 14 hours after treatment. Endocrine events associated with the artificial induction of spawning included a rise in serum levels of E2, T and the maturation inducing steroid 1720-dihydroxy progesterone. Photoperiodic manipulation demonstrated that whereas short or increasing daylengths were stimulatory to ovarian development, long days delayed development. Changes from long to short and constant short daylengths early in the reproductive cycle advanced maturation (up to 5 months), suggesting that the stimulus for ovarian development and maturation was a short day. However, experiments conducted later in the reproductive cycle demonstrated that only a simulated ambient photoperiod could induce final maturation. It is proposed therefore that under natural conditions the environmental stimulus for ovarian development and final maturation are short and increasing daylengths respectively. Further support that photoperiod is the dominant timing cue in this species was provided by the pattern of serum melatonin levels. Under different photoperiod treatments, serum melatonin, which is believed to be the chemical transducer of photoperiodic information (similar to other photoperiodic species) was elevated for the duration of the dark phase, indicating that the dace at least has the ability to `measure' changes in daylength.
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This study examines changes in the Cuban family in the United States produced by time, migration, and the rise of new generations. The thesis will use a data set extracted from the 5% Public Use Microdata Series (PUMS) of the U.S. Decennial Census of Population for the years 1970, 1980 and 1990. Contingency table analysis and comparison of means were used to examine various family-related variables. The analysis points to changes in the traditional Cuban family towards less traditional family arrangements. The multigenerational feature of the Cuban household has diminished as the elderly have become independent and are more likely to be living on their own. Although female labor participation remains high, the occupational patterns of the first generation of Cuban women have diversified and a new trend has emerged for the second generation. The second generation of Cuban women demonstrates a strong inclination for white-collar occupations. Fertility rates remain low.
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While analysis of the effect which education and migration have on development is neither clear cut, nor obvious, regimes such as those of Jamaica have traditionally placed great emphasis on development through education at all levels. The process of human resource development and the accumulation of human capital is intended to unlock the door to modernization. Nevertheless, our findings indicate a considerable loss of professional and skilled personnel -- the same group that embody a disproportionate amount of educational expenditure relative to the population. Insofar as planning is concerned this migration represents a negative factor. The developing country of Jamaica is unintentionally supplying the developed world with an "annual gift" of human capital which its economy cannot afford. The major issue becomes: to what extent can any government "protect" its investments by restricting movements of capital and people. The general assumption of this paper is that the question of human rights cannot be ignored especially in democracies (which Jamaica decidedly is), where movement is seen as an ingrained human right. During the 1970s and 1980s, Jamaica and the Caribbean as a whole has lost much through intellectual capital migrations. Yet brains may also die in their own environment, if deprived the ability to create their own criteria and goals. Forcing people to stay with their money and know-how may only serve to produce and economic environment overgrown with weeds of lethargy, indolence and mediocrity.
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This article seeks to revise Jo Doezema’s suggestion that ‘the white slave’ was the only dominant representation of ‘the trafficked woman’ used by early anti-trafficking advocates in Europe and the United States, and that discourses based on this figure of injured innocence are the only historical discourses that are able to shine light on contemporary anti-trafficking rhetoric. ‘The trafficked woman’ was a figure painted using many shades of grey in the past, with a number of injurious consequences, not only for trafficked persons but also for female labour migrants and migrant populations at large. In England, dominant organizational portrayals of ‘the trafficked woman’ had first acquired these shades by the 1890s, when trafficking started to proliferate amid mass migration from Continental Europe, and when controversy began to mount over the migration to the country of various groups of working-class foreigner. The article demonstrates these points by exploring the way in which the Jewish Association for the Protection of Girls and Women (JAPGW), one of the pillars of England’s early anti-trafficking movement, represented the female Jewish migrants it deemed at risk from being trafficked into sex work between 1890 and 1910. It argues that the JAPGW stigmatised these women, placing most of the onus for trafficking upon them and positioning them to a greater or a lesser extent as ‘undesirable and undeserving working-class foreigners’ who could never become respectable English women. It also contends that the JAPGW, in outlining what was wrong with certain female migrants, drew a line between ‘the migrant’ and respectable English society at large, and paradoxically endorsed the extension of the very ‘anti-alienist’ and Antisemitic prejudices that it strove to dispel.
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International migration sets in motion a range of significant transnational processes that connect countries and people. How migration interacts with development and how policies might promote and enhance such interactions have, since the turn of the millennium, gained attention on the international agenda. The recognition that transnational practices connect migrants and their families across sending and receiving societies forms part of this debate. The ways in which policy debate employs and understands transnational family ties nevertheless remain underexplored. This article sets out to discern the understandings of the family in two (often intermingled) debates concerned with transnational interactions: The largely state and policydriven discourse on the potential benefits of migration on economic development, and the largely academic transnational family literature focusing on issues of care and the micro-politics of gender and generation. Emphasizing the relation between diverse migration-development dynamics and specific family positions, we ask whether an analytical point of departure in respective transnational motherhood, fatherhood or childhood is linked to emphasizing certain outcomes. We conclude by sketching important strands of inclusions and exclusions of family matters in policy discourse and suggest ways to better integrate a transnational family perspective in global migration-development policy.
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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06