991 resultados para Sex offenders - Rehabilitation


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The topic of sex offender rehabilitation frequently evokes fierce reactions, ranging from strident demands for harsher sentences contrasted with calls for more imaginative and compassionate sentencing options. There seems to be a polarization of positions centred on the question of offenders' moral standing: are they moral strangers or fellow travellers? This fundamental disagreement about offenders' moral status is at the core of a number of independent, although related current practice and research issues confronting the field, namely: (1) risk management versus strength-based treatment approaches; (2) the utility of utilizing individually tailored versus manual-based programmes for offenders; (3) focusing on the technical aspects or therapy as opposed to relationship and therapist factors (what has been called process issues); and (4) the conflict between protecting the community versus promoting the interests of offenders. In this paper I suggest that an approach to sex offender treatment based on a combination of human rights theory (an ethical resource) and strengths-based approaches can help us navigate our way through the above dilemmas in a way that addressees both the needs of offenders and those of the community.

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Human rights create a protective zone around people and allow them the opportunity to further their own valued personal projects without interference from others. In our view, the emphasis on community rights and protection may, paradoxically, reduce the effectiveness of sex offender rehabilitation by ignoring or failing to ensure that offenders' core human interests are met. In this paper we consider how rights-based values and ideas can be integrated into therapeutic work with sex offenders in a way that safeguards the interests of offenders and the community. To this end we develop a rights-based normative framework (the Offender Practice Framework: OPF) that is orientated around the three strands of justice and accountability, offender needs and risk, and the utilization of empirically supported interventions and strength-based approaches. We examine the utility of this framework for the different phases of sex offender practice.

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In this article we draw from desistance research and a strength-based rehabilitation theory, the Good Lives Model (GLM), to present a richer way of intervening with sex offenders. First, we define the concept of desistance and outline some of the major research findings concerning the factors that help offenders to cease offending. Second we briefly describe current best practice sex offender treatment and discuss its efficacy. Third, we explore the relationship between desistance research and the GLM, arguing that the GLM provides a useful conduit for desistance ideas into sex offender treatment programs. Fourth, we briefly consider the treatment implications of an integrated desistance-GLM approach.

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Drink driving is a major public health issue and this report examines the experiences of convicted offenders who participated in an established drink driving rehabilitation program Under the Limit (UTL). Course completers were surveyed at least three months after they had finished the 11-week UTL course. The aim of this study was to examine whether the UTL program reduced the level of alcohol consumption either directly as a result of participation in the UTL drink driving program or through increased use of community alcohol program by participants. The research involved a self-report outcome evaluation to determine whether the self-reported levels of alcohol use after the course had changed from the initial alcohol use reported by offenders. The findings are based on the responses of 30 drink-driving offenders who had completed the UTL program (response rate: 20%). While a process evaluation was proposed in the initial application, the low response rate meant that this follow up research was not feasible. The response rate was low for two reasons, it was difficult to: recruit participants who consented to follow up, and subsequently locate and survey those who had consented to involvement.

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This article explores the use of restorative justice as a response to sexual crime. The management of high risk sex offenders, particularly in the community post-release, has been a key focus of contemporary popular and political debates on sexual offending. Many offenders fail to come to the attention of the criminal justice system. For those that do, there is the almost blanket application of recent control in the community measures such as sex offender registries and community notification which have failed to prevent reoffending. The response by the media and the public to the presence of sex offenders in the community may also impede offender rehabilitation. The use of punishment alone via formal criminal justice is, therefore, an inadequate deterrent for sexual crimes. Although controversial, this article advocates the use of restorative practices with sexual crime as a proactive, holistic response to the problem and ultimately as a more effective means of reducing the incidence of sexual offences and sex offender recidivism.

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In the last number of years the management of the dangerous in the community, particularly sex offenders, has generated enormous concern. This concern has been reflected at a number of different levels - in media and popular responses to the risk posed by released sex offenders in the community and in official discourses where an abundance of legislation and policy reforms have been enacted within a relatively short period of time. This analysis seeks to critically evaluate these developments within the context of contemporary criminal justice policy and practice in relation to the management of sex offenders in the community. The article analyses the contemporary focus on risk management or preventative governance which underpins the current regulatory framework and has been reflected in both the sentencing options and in control in the community initiatives for sex offenders. In this respect, the article highlights the gap between policy and practice in terms of the effective risk management of sex offenders. Given the failure of the traditional justice system with respect to these types of offences, it will be argued that the retributive framework could usefully be supplemented by the theory and practice of reintegrative or restorative community justice, and public education in particular, in order to better manage the risk presented by sex offenders in the community.

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The aim of this paper is to explore the implications and difficulties of a system of sex offender registration for Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. From the orthodox perspective, registration appears justified. Sexual offending has increased and this is used by the media to generate a ‘moral panic’. However, sexual offenders in the community have also been socially constructed in Ireland, as a problem requiring specific action, through Blumer’s (1971) developmental perspective. It is this perspective which most adequately explains the formulation of the legislation. Arguments expounded in favour of registration include the supposedly high recidivism among sex offenders, the inadequacy of supervision provisions and the resulting need to ‘track’ the offender for public protection. Yet, in practice there are a plethora of obstacles such as cost and inadequate policing resources, not considered at the time the legislation was being formulated, which may impede its effectiveness in aiding law enforcement and reduce it to symbolic significance only. Given these difficulties, it is argued that registration is not an appropriate response to the problem of released sexual offenders in Ireland. Rather, from the social constructionist perspective, it is suggested that it is better to ‘treat’ the sex offender through less formal and stringent means in the community away from the criminal justice process.

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OBJECTIVE: A commonly cited, but unproven reason given for the rise in reported cases of child sexual abuse in Sub-Saharan Africa is the "HIV cleansing myth"-the belief that an HIV infected individual can be cured by having sex with a child virgin. The purpose of this study was to explore in Malawi the reasons given by convicted sex offenders for child sexual abuse and to determine if a desire to cure HIV infection motivated their offence.

METHODS: Offenders convicted of sexual crimes against victims under the age of 18 were interviewed in confidence in Malawi's two largest prisons. During the interview the circumstances of the crime were explored and the offenders were asked what had influenced them to commit it. Each participant was asked the closed question "Did you think that having sex with your victim would cure or cleanse you from HIV?"

RESULTS: 58 offenders agreed to participate. The median (range) age of offenders and victims was 30 (16-66) years and 14 (2-17) years, respectively. Twenty one respondents (36.2%) denied that an offence had occurred. Twenty seven (46.6%) admitted that they were motivated by a desire to satisfy their sexual desires. Six (10.3%) stated they committed the crime only because they were under the influence of drugs or alcohol. None of the participants said that a desire to cure or avoid HIV infection motivated the abuse.

CONCLUSION: This study suggests that offenders convicted of a sexual crime against children in Malawi were not motivated by a desire to be cured or "cleansed" from HIV infection. A need to fulfil their sexual urges or the disinhibiting effect of drugs or alcohol was offered by the majority of participants as excuses for their behaviour.

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People with intellectual disability who sexually offend commonly live in community-based settings since the closing of all institutions across the province of Ontario. Nine (n=9) front line staff who provide support to these individuals in three different settings (treatment setting, transitional setting, residential setting) were interviewed. Participants responded to 47 questions to explore how sex offenders with intellectual disability can be supported in the community to prevent re-offenses. Questions encompassed variables that included staff attitudes, various factors impacting support, structural components of the setting, quality of life and the good life, staff training, staff perspectives on treatment, and understanding of risk management. Three overlapping models that have been supported in the literature were used collectively for the basis of this research: The Good Lives Model (Ward & Gannon, 2006; Ward et al., 2007), the quality of life model (Felce & Perry, 1995), and variables associated with risk management. Results of this research showed how this population is being supported in the community with an emphasis on the following elements: positive and objective staff attitude, teamwork, clear rules and protocols, ongoing supervision, consistency, highly trained staff, and environments that promote quality of life. New concepts arose which suggested that all settings display an unequal balance of upholding human rights and managing risks when supporting this high-risk population. This highlights the need for comprehensive assessments in order to match the offender to the proper setting and supports, using an integration of a Risk, Need, Responsivity model and the Good Lives model for offender rehabilitation and to reduce the likelihood of re-offenses.

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A recent series of court cases in Australia in which teachers have been convicted of sexual crimes against children and adolescents has brought to attention the fact that females are capable of, and do commit, such crimes. However, the nature of the crimes does not reflect the range of sexually abusive behaviours females may perpetrate, nor the kinds of women who may engage in such behaviour. We consider definitional problems in identifying female-perpetrated sexual abuse, and note that apart from one attempt to describe the range of sexual abuse perpetrated by mothers, there is little to guide researchers or clinicians in relation to female perpetrated offences more generally. We then consider approaches to categorising female sex offenders, and conclude that, although there a several such approaches that overlap in some ways, a multidimensional approach that combines aspects of each taxonomy may be more useful.

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Previous research suggests that identifying specific subgroups amongst the population of adolescent sexual offenders may contribute to understanding the aetiology of their offending. Such knowledge may also help to improve the treatment outcomes for this group. The Millon Adolescent Clinical Inventory (MACI) profiles of 25 adolescent male sexual offenders aged 13 to 17 in a community-based treatment sample were analysed to determine if this measure could be used to identify different subtypes of offenders based on personality variables. Three groups were identified by cluster analysis: one group of antisocial and externalising types (n = 11), another group of withdrawn, socially inadequate types (n = 7) and a third group displaying few traits of clinically significant elevation (n = 7). Support was also shown for the hypothesis that adolescent sexual offenders exhibit personality profiles similar to those of delinquent non-sexual offenders. The observed typology suggests potentially different etiological pathways and different treatment needs.

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Australia and New Zealand have joined the movement of many Western societies in recent years to address a perceived gap in public safety by passing legislation allowing for extended supervision of sex offenders in the community after their release from prison. The Australian State of Victoria passed a law similar to that of New Zealand, and both laws have now been in effect for a similar period of time. Yet despite having comparable laws and approximately comparable base populations, there have been 145 extended supervision orders imposed in New Zealand and 20 such orders in Victoria. This article examines the differences in implementation and the underlying procedures used in the two jurisdictions to understand these very different outcomes. Implications for professional practice, ethics, public safety, and policy development are discussed.

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A growing number of jurisdictions in North America, the United Kingdom, and Australasia have enacted legislation allowing for special sentencing, civil commitment, and community supervision options for high risk sexual offenders. In New Zealand, one example of this concern for public protection is the Parole (Extended Supervision) Amendment Act 2004, which provides for additional supervision of sexual offenders with child victims for up to 10 years after their release from prison. Recent experience with expert evidence and judicial decision making in such cases suggests that those involved in the process might benefit from a more thorough understanding of the current state of sexual offender risk assessment that can be provided by mental health professionals.

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ObjectivesRisk assessments provided to judicial decision makers as a part of the current generation of legislation for protecting the public from sexual offenders can have a profound impact on the rights of individual offenders. This article will identify some of the human rights issues inherent in using the current assessment procedures to formulate and communicate risk as a forensic expert in cases involving civil commitment, preventive detention, extended supervision, or special conditions of parole. MethodBased on the current professional literature and applied experience in legal proceedings under community protection laws in the United States and New Zealand, potential threats to the rights of offenders are identified. Central to these considerations are issues of the accuracy of current risk assessment measures, communicating the findings of risk assessment appropriately to the court, and the availability of competent forensic mental health professionals in carrying out these functions. The role of the forensic expert is discussed in light of the competing demands of protecting individual human rights and community protection. ConclusionActuarial risk assessment represents the best practice for informing judicial decision makers in cases involving sex offenders, yet these measures currently demonstrate substantial limitations in predictive accuracy when applied to individual offenders. These limitations must be clearly articulated when reporting risk assessment findings. Sufficient risk assessment expertise should be available to provide a balanced application of community protection laws.

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UnitingCare West is a not-for-profit community services organisation committed to achieving justice, hope and opportunity for all, and works to support and empower in particular those most in need in the WA community. Through its program Outreach Services, it delivers a specialist re-entry service for sex offenders and men serving life and indeterminate sentences. The program has recently been reviewed by Dr Andrew Day from the Centre for Offender Reintegration, Deakin University with input from Dr Tony Ward, University of Victoria, Wellington, New Zealand. In this paper we describe the aims of the review, the process and findings and our ongoing work in developing a rationale for the service that is underpinned by the Good Lives Model (GLM) of offender rehabilitation. More generally, the presentation will seek to understand the needs of offenders who re-enter the community following long-term imprisonment in relation to those areas of need identified in the GLM.