648 resultados para Sex Offenders


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For the past three decades or so, criminal justice policies have been enacted under the assumption that individuals who have been convicted of a sex offense are life course persistent sex offenders. In that context, research has been heavily focused on the assessment of risk and the prediction of sexual recidivism.Simultaneously, little to no attention has been given to the majority of individuals convicted of sex offenses who are not arrested or convicted again.Researchers have witnessed a growing gap between scientific knowledge and the sociolegal response to sexual violence and abuse. The current legal landscapecarries important social implications and significant life course impact for a growing number of individuals. More recently, theoretical and research breakthroughs in the study of desistance from crime and delinquency have been made that can help shed some light on desistance from sex offending. Desistance research, in the context of sex offending, however, represents serious theoretical, ethical, legal, and methodological challenges. To that end, this article introduces a special issue exploring current themes in desistance research by examining the life course of individuals convicted of a sexual offense while contextualizing their experiences of desistance.

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Nel panorama nazionale si discute poco degli autori dei reati sessuali, infatti l’attenzione dell’opinione pubblica e dei diversi attori sociali è più rivolta alle vittime dei reati sessuali. Ancora poco si affronta il problema legato al trattamento dei pedofili e dei violentatori di donne, nonostante l’argomento meriti approfondimenti anche in ambito penitenziario. Appare necessario ed opportuno individuare, nell’ambito del lavoro trattamentale, un modello operativo finalizzato alla ricerca di strategie che orientino il condannato per reati sessuali verso un percorso di analisi degli agiti. Ciò assume una rilevanza particolare nel trattamento dei detenuti sex offenders, pur riconoscendo la valenza del percorso trattamentale rivolto a qualsiasi tipologia di detenuti. L’esperienza realizzata presso la Casa Circondariale di Castelvetrano, descritta nel presente articolo, ha consentito, attraverso l’uso di una metodologia di lavoro di gruppo, di rilevare a carico dei soggetti partecipanti un quadro di consistente difficoltà nei percorsi di approfondimento e di analisi personale. In Italy, there has been little discussion about sex offenders. In fact, public and social actors’ attention has focused more on the victims of sex crimes rather than on criminals, so little importance is given to resocialization programs for paedophiles and rapists, even if this topic is worth exploring particularly in prisons. In the treatment phase, it is necessary and considered appropriate to identify an operational model aimed to orientate the sex offenders towards a process of analysis of their deviant behaviours. Through the methodology of the experiential group, the project carried out at Castelvetrano prison has highlighted the severe difficulties in personal analysis encountered by the sex offenders involved.

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This paper outlines the key findings from a recent study of statutory service responses to young people with learning disabilities who show sexually inappropriate or abusive behaviours, with a particular focus on the involvement of criminal justice agencies. The study found that although inappropriate sexual behaviours were commonplace in special schools, and that serious acts of abuse including rape had sometimes occurred, education, welfare and criminal justice agencies struggled to work together effectively. In particular, staff often had difficulty in determining the point at which a sexually inappropriate behaviour warranted intervention. This problem was frequently compounded by a lack of appropriate therapeutic services. In many cases this meant that no intervention was made until the young person committed a sexual offence and the victim reported this to the police. As a consequence, young people with learning disabilities are being registered as sex offenders. The paper concludes by addressing some of the policy and practice implications of the study’s findings, particularly those which relate to criminal justice.

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Rapport de stage présenté à la Faculté des Études Supérieures des arts et sciences, Département de criminologie, en vue de l’obtention du grade de Maîtrise (M. Sc.) en criminologie, option intervention

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Les crimes sexuels génèrent beaucoup d’inquiétudes chez la société, particulièrement quand vient le temps de libérer certains délinquants sexuels à risque élevé de récidive. Les évaluations du risque sont ainsi pertinentes puisque la majorité des délinquants sexuels sont libérés suivant une peine d’emprisonnement déterminée (Wilson, Picheca and Prinzo, 2005). Certaines méthodes sont donc mises en place servant à gérer les délinquants sexuels en communauté. Un cadre légal impose certaines conditions de remise en liberté et vise à réduire le risque de récidive (Hanson and Morton-Bourgon, 2005). Toutefois, une fois leur sentence complétée, certains délinquants posent toujours un risque pour la société. Pour répondre à ce problème, des partenariats ont été développés au Québec entre les services correctionnels et policiers. Ils imposent une surveillance accrue des personnes à risque élevé de récidive (PRER). Les décisions qui sont prises peuvent être lourdes de conséquences. Il est donc important d’évaluer si les méthodes de ciblage sont efficaces, soit orientées vers les individus à haut risque de récidive. Les données utilisées dans le cadre de ce mémoire proviennent de deux sources. Premièrement, un échantillon comparatif issu d’une compilation de données comprenant l’ensemble des délinquants sexuels condamnés depuis 20 ans a été utilisé (n = 235). Puis, un registre développé depuis 10 ans regroupant l’ensemble des individus soumis au programme a été analysé (n = 235). Les participants ont été évalués en fonction des variables disponibles de la Statique-99R. L’utilité de l’outil pour la police a été mise en perspective. Le programme ne semble pas n’impliquer que des délinquants sexuels à haut risque de récidive. Les taux de récidive sont relativement bas et similaires dans les deux échantillons. Les services de police ont des données pertinentes qui permettent d’étudier la qualité du ciblage fait dans le cadre du programme. Des évaluations plus fiables pourraient améliorer l’allocation des ressources et les stratégies de ciblage.

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L’intérêt porté à l’évaluation du risque de récidive chez les délinquants ayant une déficience intellectuelle (DI) a notablement augmenté depuis les 10 dernières années. D’ailleurs, certains croient que les instruments utilisés pour mesurer le risque chez les auteurs d’infractions sexuelles neurotypiques peuvent s’appliquer aux auteurs d’infractions sexuelles ayant une DI tandis que d’autres appuient l’idée d’utiliser et de développer des mesures actuarielles propres à ces individus. Trois objectifs ont été posés pour tenter d’éclaircir ces deux visions, soit 1) Comparer les taux de récidive entre les deux groupes d’auteurs d’infractions sexuelles (ayant une DI et neurotypiques), en plus de déterminer lequel récidive plus rapidement sur une courte période de temps, 2) Analyser la validité prédictive de huit instruments actuariels (et de la PCL-R) auprès d’un échantillon d’auteurs d’infractions sexuelles ayant une DI et 3) Analyser la composition des instruments par domaines (Knight et Thornton, 2007). L’échantillon est composé de 550 auteurs d’infractions sexuelles dont 54 ont une DI. Les résultats suggèrent que les deux groupes d’auteurs d’infractions sexuelles (neurotypiques et ayant une DI) présentent des taux de récidive similaires. Un nombre restreint d’instruments semblent par contre efficaces chez les auteurs d’infractions sexuelles ayant une DI. De ce fait, le SVR-20 s’est révélé avoir une validité prédictive pour la récidive sexuelle, le RMC, le RMV et le MnSOST-R pour la récidive violente et le VRAG pour la récidive non violente. Il est toutefois justifié de se questionner sur la manière d’évaluer le risque chez cette clientèle particulière. L’analyse de la composition des instruments semble importante puisque certains domaines pourraient prédire différemment la récidive chez les auteurs d’infractions sexuelles ayant une DI. Une grande partie des facteurs pouvant être utiles dans la prédiction de la récidive ne semblent toujours pas avoir été identifiés, repoussant ainsi la création d’instruments propres aux délinquants ayant une DI.

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Les crimes sexuels génèrent beaucoup d’inquiétudes chez la société, particulièrement quand vient le temps de libérer certains délinquants sexuels à risque élevé de récidive. Les évaluations du risque sont ainsi pertinentes puisque la majorité des délinquants sexuels sont libérés suivant une peine d’emprisonnement déterminée (Wilson, Picheca and Prinzo, 2005). Certaines méthodes sont donc mises en place servant à gérer les délinquants sexuels en communauté. Un cadre légal impose certaines conditions de remise en liberté et vise à réduire le risque de récidive (Hanson and Morton-Bourgon, 2005). Toutefois, une fois leur sentence complétée, certains délinquants posent toujours un risque pour la société. Pour répondre à ce problème, des partenariats ont été développés au Québec entre les services correctionnels et policiers. Ils imposent une surveillance accrue des personnes à risque élevé de récidive (PRER). Les décisions qui sont prises peuvent être lourdes de conséquences. Il est donc important d’évaluer si les méthodes de ciblage sont efficaces, soit orientées vers les individus à haut risque de récidive. Les données utilisées dans le cadre de ce mémoire proviennent de deux sources. Premièrement, un échantillon comparatif issu d’une compilation de données comprenant l’ensemble des délinquants sexuels condamnés depuis 20 ans a été utilisé (n = 235). Puis, un registre développé depuis 10 ans regroupant l’ensemble des individus soumis au programme a été analysé (n = 235). Les participants ont été évalués en fonction des variables disponibles de la Statique-99R. L’utilité de l’outil pour la police a été mise en perspective. Le programme ne semble pas n’impliquer que des délinquants sexuels à haut risque de récidive. Les taux de récidive sont relativement bas et similaires dans les deux échantillons. Les services de police ont des données pertinentes qui permettent d’étudier la qualité du ciblage fait dans le cadre du programme. Des évaluations plus fiables pourraient améliorer l’allocation des ressources et les stratégies de ciblage.

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L’intérêt porté à l’évaluation du risque de récidive chez les délinquants ayant une déficience intellectuelle (DI) a notablement augmenté depuis les 10 dernières années. D’ailleurs, certains croient que les instruments utilisés pour mesurer le risque chez les auteurs d’infractions sexuelles neurotypiques peuvent s’appliquer aux auteurs d’infractions sexuelles ayant une DI tandis que d’autres appuient l’idée d’utiliser et de développer des mesures actuarielles propres à ces individus. Trois objectifs ont été posés pour tenter d’éclaircir ces deux visions, soit 1) Comparer les taux de récidive entre les deux groupes d’auteurs d’infractions sexuelles (ayant une DI et neurotypiques), en plus de déterminer lequel récidive plus rapidement sur une courte période de temps, 2) Analyser la validité prédictive de huit instruments actuariels (et de la PCL-R) auprès d’un échantillon d’auteurs d’infractions sexuelles ayant une DI et 3) Analyser la composition des instruments par domaines (Knight et Thornton, 2007). L’échantillon est composé de 550 auteurs d’infractions sexuelles dont 54 ont une DI. Les résultats suggèrent que les deux groupes d’auteurs d’infractions sexuelles (neurotypiques et ayant une DI) présentent des taux de récidive similaires. Un nombre restreint d’instruments semblent par contre efficaces chez les auteurs d’infractions sexuelles ayant une DI. De ce fait, le SVR-20 s’est révélé avoir une validité prédictive pour la récidive sexuelle, le RMC, le RMV et le MnSOST-R pour la récidive violente et le VRAG pour la récidive non violente. Il est toutefois justifié de se questionner sur la manière d’évaluer le risque chez cette clientèle particulière. L’analyse de la composition des instruments semble importante puisque certains domaines pourraient prédire différemment la récidive chez les auteurs d’infractions sexuelles ayant une DI. Une grande partie des facteurs pouvant être utiles dans la prédiction de la récidive ne semblent toujours pas avoir été identifiés, repoussant ainsi la création d’instruments propres aux délinquants ayant une DI.

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Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada ao ISPA - Instituto Universitário

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It could be argued that all crimes have a general moral basis, condemned as ‘wrong’ or ‘bad’ in the society in which they are proscribed, however, there are a specific group of offences in modern democratic nations which bear the brunt of the label, crimes against morality. Included within this group are offences related to prostitution and pornography, homosexuality and incest, as well as child sexual abuse. While the places where sex and morality meet have shifted over time, these two concepts continue to form the basis of much criminal legislation and associated criminal justice responses. Offenders of sexual mores are positioned as the reviled corruptors of innocent children, the purveyors of disease, an indictment on the breakdown of the family and/or the secularisation of society, and a corruptive force (Davidson 2008, Kincaid 1998). Other types of offending may divide public and political opinion, but the consensus on sex crimes appears constant.

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Acts of violence lays a great burden on humankind. The negative effects of violence could be relieved by accurate prediction of violent recidivism. However, prediction of violence has been considered an inexact science hampered by scare knowledge of its causes. The study at hand examines risk factors of violent reconvictions and mortality among 242 Finnish male violent offenders exhibiting severe alcoholism and severe externalizing personality disorders. The violent offenders were recruited during a court-ordered 2-month inpatient mental status examination between 1990—1998. Controls were 1210 individuals matched by sex-, age-, and place of birth. After a 9-year non-incarcerated follow-up criminal register and mortality data were obtained from national registers. Risk analyses were applied to estimate odds and relative risk for recidivism and mortality. Risk variables that were included in the analyses were antisocial personality disorder (ASPD), borderline personality disorder (BPD), a comorbidity of ASPD and BPD, childhood adversities, alcohol consumption, age, and monoamine oxidase A (MAOA) genotype. In addition to risk analyses, temperament dimensions (Tridimensional Personality Questionnaire [TPQ]) were assessed. The prevalence of recidivistic acts of violence (32%) and mortality (16%) was high among the offenders. Severe personality disorders and childhood adversities increased the risk for recidivism and mortality both among offenders (OR 2.0–10.4) and in comparison between offenders and controls (RR 4.3–53.0). Offenders having BPD and a history of childhood maltreatment emerged as a group with a particularly poor prognosis. MAOA altered the effects of alcohol consumption and ageing. Alcohol consumption (+2.3%) and age (–7.3%) showed significant effects on the risk for violent reconvictions among the high activity MAOA (MAOA-H) offenders, but not among the low activity MAOA (MAOA-L) offenders. The offenders featured temperament dimensions of high novelty seeking, high harm avoidance, and low reward dependence matching Cloninger’s definition of explosive personality. The fact that the risk for recidivistic acts of violence and mortality accumulated into clearly defined subgroups supports future efforts to provide for evidence based violence prevention and risk assessments among violent offenders.

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Media reporting of and public concern about sexual offending, particularly relating to children, affects and reflects political, policy and organisational responses to those convicted of such crimes. The development of regulatory policies on sexual offending has taken place within a highly emotive and overtly politicized public and policy discourse. This chapter charts the various ways in which the risks imagined or posed by sexual offenders have been conceptualised within public discourses and regulated and managed under the legislative and organisational ‘risk paradigm.’ Ultimately, it argues that risk-based responses to sexual offending are at best uncertain in their effects and at worst counterproductive, in that they often reduce the potential for successful reintegration. In seeking to look ‘beyond risk’, the chapter also explores the usefulness of restorative and related practices in supporting sex offender reintegration aimed at the primary and secondary levels of harm prevention.

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This essay examines the origins and uses of restorative justice with sexual offending and the contemporary challenges and controversies surrounding this. It charts the range of ad hoc initiatives which have sought to apply a restorative form of intervention with violent or sexual offending from first time and ‘acquaintance’ rape as well as young sexual abusers to high risk sexual offenders in the form of circles of support and accountability. Such schemes are often presented as a counter to the failings of retributive forms of justice and are premised on Braithwaite’s (1989) notion of ‘reintegrative shaming’ that seek to reintegrate offenders into the community. Critics of restorative justice traditionally put forward a number of core objectives when restorative justice is applied to serious forms of offending such as sexual offending. The essay also sets out and seeks to counter these principal challenges and how they may be overcome. For the most part, however, restorative justice has failed to reach its potential as a fully fledged sentencing rationale in being applied as a mainstream response to a wide range of offending including that at the higher end of the spectrum. The essay also seeks to examine barriers to restorative justice within contemporary penal policy and to highlight some of the most controversial applications of the restorative paradigm including those related to clergy sexual abuse. It concludes by offering some thoughts on the future of restorative justice as a mainstream responses to serious forms of offending.

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The United States¿ Federal and State laws differentiate between acceptable (or, legal) and unacceptable (illegal) behavior by prescribing restrictive punishment to citizens and/or groups that violate these established rules. These regulations are written to treat every person equally and to fairly serve justice; furthermore, the sanctions placed on offenders seek to reform illegal behavior through limitations on freedoms and rehabilitative programs. Despite the effort to treat all offenders fairly regardless of social identity categories (e.g., sex, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, age, ability, and gender and sexual orientation) and to humanely eliminate illegal behavior, the American penal system perpetuates de facto discrimination against a multitude of peoples. Furthermore, soaring recidivism rates caused by unsuccessful re-entry of incarcerated offenders puts economic stress on Federal and State budgets. For these reasons, offenders, policy-makers, and law-abiding citizens should all have a vested interest in reforming the prison system. This thesis focuses on the failure of the United States corrections system to adequately address the gender-specific needs of non-violent female offenders. Several factors contribute to the gender-specific discrimination that women experience in the criminal justice system: 1) Trends in female criminality that skew women¿s crime towards drug-related crimes, prostitution, and property offenses; 2) Mandatory minimum sentences for drug crimes that are disproportionate to the crime committed; 3) So-called ¿gender-neutral¿ educational, vocational, substance abuse, and mental health programming that intends to equally rehabilitate men and women, but in fact favors men; and 4) The isolating nature of prison structures that inhibits smooth re-entry into society. I argue that a shift in the placement and treatment of non-violent female offenders is necessary for effective rehabilitation and for reducing recidivism rates. The first component of this shift is the design and implementation of gender- responsive treatment (GRT) rather than gender-neutral approaches in rehabilitative programming. The second shift is the utilization of alternatives to incarceration, which provide both more humane treatment of offenders and smoother reintegration to society. Drawing on recent scholarship, information from prison advocacy organizations, and research with men in an alternative program, I provide a critical analysis of current policies and alternative programs, and suggest several proposals for future gender- responsive programs in prisons and in place of incarceration. I argue that the expansion of gender-responsive programming and alternatives to incarceration respond to the marginalization of female offenders, address concerns about the financial sustainability of the United States criminal justice system, and tackle high recidivism rates.