CAMPOS SALLES E O POSITIVISMO UM ESTUDO SOBRE A COMUNICAÇÃO POLÍTICA DO SEGUNDO PRESIDENTE CIVIL BRASILEIRO

Campos Salles foi um político de grande importância para o Brasil, destacando-se como um dos personagens mais ativos do movimento republicano. Iniciou sua carreira política aos 26 anos, sendo eleito Deputado Provincial. Em 1898, com 57 anos, assumiu o mais alto cargo político da Nação. Esta pesquisa pretende analisar as estratégias de comunicação política por ele adotadas até chegar à Presidência da República, procurando comprovar a influência do positivismo em sua trajetória.

Jubilee and the Limits of African American Freedom after Emancipation

Scholarship generated in the post-civil rights US underpins a growing consensus that any honest confrontation with the American past requires an acknowledgment both of the nation’s foundations in racially-based slave labour and of the critical role that the enslaved played in ending that system. But scholars equally need to examine why the end of slavery did not deliver freedom, but instead – after a short-lived ‘jubilee’ during which freedpeople savoured their ‘brief moment in the sun’ – opened up a period of extreme repression and violence. This article traces the political trajectory of one prominent ex-slave and Republican party organiser, Elias Hill, to assess the constraints in which black grassroots activists operated. Though mainly concerned with the dashed hopes of African Americans, their experience of a steep reversal is in many ways the shared and profoundly significant legacy of ex-slaves across the former plantation societies of the Atlantic world.

The influence of neoconservatism on US foreign policy debates during the Obama administration

Neoconservatism reached its zenith as a school of thought when it became associated with the Iraq War. Although the war was largely considered a failure, it raised the profile of neoconservatism as a school of thought. Many studies were completed which pointed to the influence of prominent members of the George W. Bush administration who were considered to be ideologically neoconservative. When Obama won the presidency in 2008, it was assumed that the influence of neoconservatives, or neoconservatism more broadly, would be over. However, given neoconservatism’s historical foundations and the tenacity of its adherents it seemed important to consider whether this has been the case. Therefore, this thesis set out to answer the question: To what extent have neoconservatives, and neoconservatism more broadly, influenced foreign policy debates during the Obama administration? I argue that neoconservatism has remained not only salient within foreign policy debates, but prominent in these debates, during Obama’s two terms in office. An examination of US foreign policy towards the nuclear crisis in Iran and the Syrian civil war indicates that neoconservatism had a substantive influence on the policy debates and the options considered within them, particularly in Congress. In some instances, neoconservative policy entrepreneurs contributed to legislation. Furthermore, this thesis finds that neoconservatism has been the predominant approach to foreign policy within the Republican Party on the issues of Iran and Syria during the period under review.

Party Size and Constituency Representation: Evidence from the 19th-Century U.S. House of Representatives

Research on congressional parties assumes, but has not directly shown, that party size affects individual members' calculations. Drawing on a key case from the nineteenth-century House the secession-driven Republican hegemony of 1861 this article explores the hypothesis that party voting not only declines but also becomes more strongly linked to constituency factors as relative party size increases. The analysis reveals that the jump in party size coincides with (1) a decrease in party voting among individual continuing members, (2) a strengthening association between some constituency factors and party voting, and (3) patterns of decline in individual party voting that are explained in part by constituency measures.

Charter and Party Boat Operators in the U.S. Gulf of Mexico: A Social Structure Perspective

To better address the charter and party boat fishery needs in the U.S. Gulf of Mexico, fishery managers must understand the linkages between the industry and other groups and organizations that affect its success. Gulf state charter and party boat operators were interviewed to ascertain the extent of their social network linkages, membership in community organizations, business community relationships, and linkages to information sources. Approximately one-third to one-half of the charter and party boat operators did not belong to local community organizations that could assist their business through tourism promotion or natural resource protection. Despite their limited integration in the community, the vast majority of operators gave and received referrals from other businesses. Of four major information sources, the National Weather Service and the County Marine Extension agents were rated highest and lowest, respectively, in mean importance to charter and party boat operators. Results suggest that business success can be enhanced by strengthening network ties between operators and local businesses, chambers of commerce, and tourism organizations. For this to occur, individual operators and charter/party boat organizations need to become more effective in representing industry interests. Informational linkages between industry and govemment agencies also need improvement.

The U.S. Gulf of Mexico Party Boat Industry: Activity Centers, Species Targeted, and Fisheries Management Opinions

In addition to providing an overview of the party boat fishery in the U.S. Gulf of Mexico, a management-oriented methodology is presented that can be used elsewhere to assess regulatory impacts. Party boat operators were interviewed to determine species targeted, percent time committed to targeting each species, and opinions on current catch restrictions. Over two-thirds of the fieet was located on the west coast of Florida. Overall, most boats targeted <5 species. Four species accounted for 90 percent of the estimated effort by party boats in the U.S. Gulf of Mexico: Snapper; Lutjanus sp.; grouper, Epinephelus sp. and Mycteroperca sp.; amberjack, Seriola dumerili; and king mackerel, Scomberomorus cavalla. Party boat effort in Texas was devoted primarily to snapper, whereas in Florida most effort was devoted to snapper and grouper collectively. Party boat operators were diverse in their opinions of management regulations in force when interviewed. Results revealed why major opposition would he expected from Texas party boat operators for red snapper bag limits and other restrictions proposed by the Gulf of Mexico Fishery Management Council.

Challengers to provisional republicanism: the official republican movement, people’s democracy and the Irish republican socialist party, 1968–98

The Provisional IRA and its political wing Sinn Féin have attracted by far the greatest scholarly interest of all the players in the Northern Irish conflict. This emphasis is perfectly legitimate, given the centrality of the Provos to so many turning-points in the conflict, from the collapse of Stormont in the early 1970s to the hunger strikes of the following decade and the ceasefires which were followed by the Belfast Agreement. My project, however, looks at political groups that at one time or another challenged the Provos for leadership of the militant, anti-state constituency in Northern Ireland (chiefly based in the Catholic working class). Although never as large or influential as the Provisional republicans, groups such as the Official IRA and the Irish Republican Socialist Party sometimes had a discernible impact on the course of events which is overlooked by most studies, and often pioneered ideas and tactics that were later adopted by the Provos themselves. The idea that republicans should embrace political action and work in broad campaigning alliances was promoted by the IRSP and socialist groups such as People’s Democracy before it was taken up by Gerry Adams and his allies, while the Official IRA supported the principle of a settlement based on democratization of the Northern Irish state, which was later accepted by Sinn Féin in the form of the Belfast Agreement. The goal of my research is to provide a novel perspective on the conflict in Northern Ireland, while engaging with theoretical debates about its character.

Puget Sound, Washington, 1854 (Raster Image)

This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: Reconnaissance of Duwamish Bay & Seattle Harbor, Washington Ter., by the hydrographic party under the command of Lieut. James Alden, U.S.N. Assistant; redd. drng by J. R. Key; engd. by Apps. J.J. Knight & F. W. Benner. It was published by the U.S. Coast Survey in 1854. Scale 1:40,000. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the Washington State Plane North Coordinate System HARN NAD83 (in Feet) (Fipszone 4601). All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows coastal features such as channels, points, coves, islands, bottom soil types, flats, and more. Depths shown by soundings. Includes note. This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from The Harvard Map Collection as part of the Imaging the Urban Environment project. Maps selected for this project represent major urban areas and cities of the world, at various time periods. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features at a large scale. The selection represents a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates, scales, and purposes.

A Social and Economic Characterization of the U.S. Gulf of Mexico Recreational Shark Fishery

A mail survey of tournament shark anglers and party boat shark anglers was completed to examine their fishing activity, attitudes, trip expenditures, and consumer surplus. A sample of 700 shark anglers was selected from tournaments in the Gulf of Mexico during 1990, and a sample of party boat shark anglers was drawn from Port Aransas, Tex., party boat anglers during the summer of 1991. A response rate of 58% (excluding nondeliverables) was obtained from tournament anglers. The sample of party boat shark anglers was too small to provide useful results. Tournament shark anglers reported fishing an average of 58 days per year and targeted sharks and other large marine species. Tournaments occupy a small portion of their fishing effort. If this group of anglers were not able to fish for sharks, one-third indicated no other species would be an acceptable substitute, while others were willing to substitute other large marine species. Shark trip expenditures averaged $197 per trip with a consumer surplus of $111 per trip. Based on MRFSS estimates of the number of shark fishing trips, we estimate a total of $43,355,000 was spent by shark anglers in the Gulf of Mexico with a consumer surplus of $23,865,000 for a total gross value of the shark fishery of $66,220,000. MRFSS estimates of the number of sharks landed indicate an equivalent use value of $183 per shark.

Addresses of Rev. Drs. Park, Post, & Bacon : at the anniversary of the American Congregational Union, May, 1854.

http://www.archive.org/details/addressesofrevdr00parkuoft

The first major step in the peace process’? Exploring the impact of the Anglo-Irish Agreement on Irish Republican thinking

This article supports interpretations of the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985 as a significant factor contributing to the development of the Northern Ireland peace process. However, it also emphasises a certain serendipity in the Agreement's effect on northern nationalist, and more specifically republican, politics in the region. In particular, it stresses that a specific interpretation of the Agreement promoted by the Social Democratic and Labour Party inspired a dialogue with republicanism, encouraging an ongoing reappraisal within the latter about the nature of Britain's role in Northern Ireland. This, the article argues, reinforced the movement towards a more political approach that republicans had begun in the 1980s, and encouraged their eventual embrace of a constitutional strategy in the 1990s. However, in advancing this argument, the article notes that such an outcome was far from the minds of the British and Irish officials who negotiated the Anglo-Irish Agreement. The Agreement was intended to marginalise rather than accommodate republicans. Despite this, it provided an inadvertent incentive to draw militant republicanism into the democratic process in Northern Ireland.

Reinventing America on the battlefields of Spain or following the party line: conflicting perceptions of the Spanish Civil War in the present and in the past

Isolationism and neutrality are two of the recurrent themes in the study of the history of the U.S. foreign policy in the interwar years. The trauma of the Great War, which had swept away 130.000 U.S. lives and had cost $30 billion, had led public opinion to strongly oppose any involvement with European affairs. Besides, the urgent need for economic recovery during the dismal years of the Great Depression did not leave Roosevelt much room for manoeuvre to influence international events. His positions regarding the intentions of the Fascist states remained, at best, ambivalent. These facts notwithstanding, about 2800 U.S. citizens crossed the Atlantic and rushed in to help democratic Spain, which was on the verge of becoming one more hostage in the hands of the Fascism. They joined the other British, Irish and Canadian volunteers and formed the XV International Brigade. 900 Americans never returned home. This alone should challenge the commonly held assumption that the American people were indifferent to the rise of the Fascist threat in Europe. But it also begs other questions. Considering the prevailing isolationist mood, what really motivated them? With what discursive elements did these men construct their anti Fascist representations? How far did their understanding of the Spanish democracy correspond to their own American democratic ideal? In what way did their war experience across the Atlantic mould their perception of U.S. politics (both domestic and foreign)? How far did the Spanish Civil War constitute one first step towards the realization that the U.S. might actually be drawn into another international conflict of unpredictable consequences? Last but not the least, what ideological, political and cultural complicity existed between the men from the English-speaking battalions? In order to unearth some of the answers, I intend to examine their letters and see how these men recorded the historical events in which they took part. Their correspondence emerged from the desire to prove their commitment to a common cause and spoke of a common war experience, but each letter, in its uniqueness, ends up mirroring not only the social and political background of each individual fighter, but also his own particular perspective of the war, of world politics and of the Spanish people. We shall see how these letters differ and converge and how these particular accounts weave, as in an epistolary novel, a larger-than-life narrative of outrage and solidarity, despair and hope.