Supporting the Revolution: America, Democracy, and the End of the Cold War in Poland, 1981-1989. ACES Working Paper (Report) No. 8, 2007

Early on the morning of December 13, 1981, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, the leader of the communist Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), declared martial law, ending the so-called "Polish Crisis," which began with the creation of the Independent Free Trade Union "Solidamosc" in August 1980. Over the next eight years, the Communist government and the opposition struggled over power, culminating in 1989 with the creation of a Solidamosc-led government which ended fifty years of Communist rule in Poland and led the way to further democratic revolutions throughout Eastern Europe. The purpose of this dissertation is to utilize newly available and underutilized archival sources as well as oral history interviews, from both international and American perspectives, to fully chronicle American policy toward Poland from the declaration of martial law until the creation of the Solidarnosc government. Rather than explaining Polish-American relations in bilateral terms, the dissertation illuminates the complex web of influences that determined American policy in Washington and affected its implementation within Poland. This includes descriptions of internal tensions within the Reagan administration, differences between American decisions in Washington and implementation in Warsaw, lobbying from Polish-American groups, clashes between Capitol Hill and the White House, coordination with American labor organizations to support Solidarnosc, disagreements with West European allies in NATO and international financial organizations, cooperation with the Vatican and the Polish Catholic Church, synchronization with American humanitarian organizations working in Poland, limitations caused by the realities of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, and complications caused by domestic Polish concerns. By taking a broad view of American policy and highlighting internal Polish decisions, with both the Communist government and the democratic opposition, the dissertation provides concrete examples of America's role in Poland's transformation, arguing, however, that this role was very limited. These conclusions are relevant to arguments about the end of the Cold War, the nature of American power, as well as current discussions about possibilities to promote democracy within hostile regimes.

FHWA highway traffic noise prediction model. Final report.

Mode of access: Internet.

Comparison of numerical and physical hydraulic models, Masonboro Inlet, North Carolina : Appendix 2, numerical simulation of hydrodynamics (WRE) /

"June 1977."

Fiscal year 1983 arms control impact statements : statements submitted to the Congress by the President pursuant to section 36 of the Arms control and disarmament act.

March 1982

Condensed vs. detailed schedule for collection of family expenditure data.

Mode of access: Internet.

The use of presidential executive orders to control the management and administration of the federal government

As long as governmental institutions have existed, efforts have been undertaken to reform them. This research examines a particular strategy, coercive controls, exercised through a particular instrument, executive orders, by a singular reformer, the president of the United States. The presidents studied-- Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush, and Clinton--are those whose campaigns for office were characterized to varying degrees as against Washington bureaucracy and for executive reform. Executive order issuance is assessed through an examination of key factors for each president including political party affiliation, levels of political capital, and legislative experience. A classification typology is used to identify the topical dimensions and levels of coerciveness. The portrayal of the federal government is analyzed through examination of public, media, and presidential attention. The results show that executive orders are significant management tools for the president. Executive orders also represent an important component of the transition plans for incoming administrations. The findings indicate that overall, while executive orders have not increased in the aggregate, they are more intrusive and significant. When the factors of political party affiliation, political capital, and legislative experience are examined, it reveals a strong relationship between executive orders and previous executive experience, specifically presidents who served as a state governor prior to winning national election as president. Presidents Carter, Reagan, and Clinton (all former governors) have the highest percent of executive orders focusing on the federal bureaucracy. Additionally, the highest percent of forceful orders were issued by former governors (41.0%) as compared to their presidential counterparts who have not served as governors (19.9%). Secondly, political party affiliation is an important, but not significant, predictor for the use of executive orders. Thirdly, management strategies that provide the president with the greatest level of autonomy--executive orders--redefine the concept of presidential power and autonomous action. Interviews of elite government officials and political observers support the idea that executive orders can provide the president with a successful management strategy, requiring less expenditure of political resources, less risk to political capital, and a way of achieving objectives without depending on an unresponsive Congress. ^

The Tax Reform Act of 1986: Impact On Hospitality Industries

In her discussion - The Tax Reform Act Of 1986: Impact On Hospitality Industries - by Elisa S. Moncarz, Associate Professor, the School of Hospitality Management at Florida International University, Professor Moncarz initially states: “After nearly two years of considering the overhaul of the federal tax system, Congress enacted the Tax Reform Act of 1986. The impact of this legislation is expected to affect virtually all individuals and businesses associated with the hospitality industry. This article discusses some of the major provisions of the tax bill, emphasizing those relating to the hospitality service industries and contrasting relevant provisions with prior law on their positive and negative effects to the industry. “On October 22, 1986, President Reagan signed the Tax Reform Act of 1986 (TRA 86) with changes so pervasive that a recodification of the income tax laws became necessary…,” Professor Moncarz says in providing a basic history of the bill. Two, very important paragraphs underpin TRA 86, and this article. They should not be under-estimated. The author wants you to know: “With the passage of TRA 86, the Reagan administration achieved the most important single domestic initiative of Reagan's second term, a complete restructuring of the federal tax system in an attempt to re-establish fairness in the tax code…,” an informed view, indeed. “These changes will result in an estimated shift of over $100 billion of the tax burden from individuals to corporations over the next five years [as of this article],” Professor Moncarz enlightens. “…TRA 86 embraces a conversion to the view that lowering tax rates and eliminating or restricting tax preferences (i.e., loopholes) “would be more economically and socially productive.” Hence, economic decisions would be based on economic efficiency as opposed to tax effect,” the author asserts. “…both Congress and the administration recognized from its inception that the reform of the tax code must satisfy three basic goals,” and these goals are identified for you. Professor Moncarz outlines the positive impact TRA 86 will have on the U.S. economy in general, but also makes distinctions the ‘Act will have on specific segments of the business community, with a particular eye toward the hospitality industry and food-service in particular. Professor Moncarz also provides graphs to illustrate the comparative tax indexes of select companies, encompassing the years 1883-through-1985. Deductibility and its importance are discussed as well. The author foresees Limited Partnerships, employment, and even new hotel construction and/or rehabilitation being affected by TRA 86. The article, as one would assume from this type of discussion, is liberally peppered with facts and figures.

The use of presidential executive orders to control the management and administration of the federal government

As long as governmental institutions have existed, efforts have been undertaken to reform them. This research examines a particular strategy, coercive controls, exercised through a particular instrument, executive orders, by a singular reformer, the president of the United States. The presidents studied- Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush, and Clinton-are those whose campaigns for office were characterized to varying degrees as against Washington bureaucracy and for executive reform. Executive order issuance is assessed through an examination of key factors for each president including political party affiliation, levels of political capital, and legislative experience. A classification typology is used to identify the topical dimensions and levels of coerciveness. The portrayal of the federal government is analyzed through examination of public, media, and presidential attention. The results show that executive orders are significant management tools for the president. Executive orders also represent an important component of the transition plans for incoming administrations. The findings indicate that overall, while executive orders have not increased in the aggregate, they are more intrusive and significant. When the factors of political party affiliation, political capital, and legislative experience are examined, it reveals a strong relationship between executive orders and previous executive experience, specifically presidents who served as a state governor prior to winning national election as president. Presidents Carter, Reagan, and Clinton (all former governors) have the highest percent of executive orders focusing on the federal bureaucracy. Additionally, the highest percent of forceful orders were issued by former governors (41.0%) as compared to their presidential counterparts who have not served as governors (19.9%). Secondly, political party affiliation is an important, but not significant, predictor for the use of executive orders. Thirdly, management strategies that provide the president with the greatest level of autonomy-executive orders redefine the concept of presidential power and autonomous action. Interviews of elite government officials and political observers support the idea that executive orders can provide the president with a successful management strategy, requiring less expenditure of political resources, less risk to political capital, and a way of achieving objectives without depending on an unresponsive Congress.

Student Independent Projects Environmental Studies 2012: Creating Effective University Carbon Inventories: Best

Universities have a special capacity and responsibility to address climate change and this paper focuses on carbon inventories as an important tool for reducing emissions on university campuses. I first describe carbon inventories then analyze three universities that have already developed sustainability action and baseline inventories: Dalhousie University, Mount Allison University, and the University of Victoria. From the case studies, I identify and discuss six conditions important for the successful implementation of carbon inventories. Finally, the case study findings are applied to Grenfell Campus and a carbon inventory implementation plan is proposed for this institution. The paper draws on qualitative Methodologies (interviews and case studies) using the theoretical frame work of ecological economics and the concepts of externalities, sustainable development, and policy instruments.

Affect--or feeling (after Leys)

In recent years the ‘affective turn’ has permeated the arts, humanities, social sciences, and psychology, but like any influential academic movement has not escaped critique. We outline and agree in general terms with the critique by Leys (2011b), which emphasises the influence of the basic emotion paradigm; the dualisms that accompany its deployment; and concerns regarding intentionality and meaning. We then propose an alternate approach to affect and feeling, derived from the philosophies of Whitehead and Langer; demonstrate how this avoids the endorsement of cognitivism to which Leys critique succumbs; illustrate the strengths of this approach with respect to analyses of former U.S. President Reagan; and highlight two strengths of affect theory which are compatible with it. We conclude that our approach closes the intentionality gap that Leys identifies whilst retaining a fruitful emphasis upon the affective realm.

El poder de la escoba

Fondo Margaritainés Restrepo

LA IDEOLOGÍA NEOCONSERVADORA Y EL GOBIERNO DE GEORGE W. BUSH

El 15 de Septiembre de 2002, casi al año de los ataques contra las Torres Gemelas y el Pentágono,el Sunday Herald informó sobre la existencia de un plan elaborado por un instituto “neo-conservador”,ese es el término usado en la nota periodística,identificado como el “Proyecto para un Nuevo Siglo Estadounidense”, que empezó a funcionar en1997.Este instituto se orientó al impulso de lo que su documento fundacional califica como “una política reaganiana de fortaleza militar y de claridad moral”, considerada como algo “necesario para que EUA, basado en los éxitos del siglo pasado, consolide nuestra seguridad y nuestra grandeza en el próximo siglo”. El documento, de línea ultranacionalista, plantea la “creación de una Pax Americana Global”, y fue endosado por DickCheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, JeffBush y Lewis Lobby, jefe del personal de Cheney, con la participación de operadores políticos eideólogos como Elliott Abrams y Francis Fukuyama. El Sunday Herald enfatizó que, según el documento, “antes de que asumiera la presidencia en Enero de 2000, Bush y su gabineteya estaban contemplando y planeando un “cambio de régimen” en Irak por medio de un ataque premeditado contra ese país.

La migración infantil indocumentada de Centroamérica, un desafío a la reformulación de la política migratoria de Estados Unidos. Estudio de caso de Honduras (2010-2014)

El siguiente estudio de caso analiza la influencia de la llegada de la migración infantil indocumentada centroamericana en la reformulación de la política migratoria de Estados Unidos en el período 2010-2014. Enfocándose en el caso de Honduras para dar a conocer y analizar las causas que crean las dinámicas migratorias por parte de los menores, este trabajo analiza como la llegada de estas poblaciones genera ciertos efectos en el proceso de toma de decisión de las políticas internas de los Estados Unidos. Por un lado, para resaltar las características del fenómeno migratorio, se utilizan las teorías de redes sociales y la teoría push and pull. Por otro, mediante los conceptos de Sensibilidad y Vulnerabilidad expuestos en la teoría de la Interdependencia Compleja de las Relaciones Internacionales, como también el concepto de Seguridad Societal propuesto por Barry Buzan se estudia el nivel de influencia del fenómeno infantil en el gobierno norteamericano.