Women with banner Ban the Bomb during Peace march on Sunday April 5th 1964, Brisbane.

Women with banner Ban the Bomb during Peace march, Sunday April 5th Brisbane, Australia, 1964.

Two men with placards during Aldermaston Peace march in 1964

Two men with placards during Aldermaston Peace march, Sunday, April 5th 1964. The Aldermaston march covered the distance between Ipswich and Brisbane, Australia, walked in relays covering approximately two miles each. Most relay sections were sponsored by one or more individual organisations.

Two men from the Bulimba Peace Group with placards during Aldermaston Peace march in 1964

Two men from the Bulimba Peace Group with placards during Aldermaston Peace march, Sunday, April 5th 1964. The Aldermaston march covered the distance between Ipswich and Brisbane, Australia, walked in relays covering approximately two miles each. Most relay sections were sponsored by one or more individual organisations.

Women from the Union of Australian Women with banner during Aldermaston Peace march in 1964

Women from the Union of Australian Women with banner during Aldermaston Peace march, Sunday, April 5th 1964. The Aldermaston march covered the distance between Ipswich and Brisbane, Australia, walked in relays covering approximately two miles each. Most relay sections were sponsored by one or more individual organisations. The Union of Australian Women is a national organisation that was formed in 1950. Its aim is to work for the status and wellbeing of women across the world. It has been involved in a wide variety of campaigns that concern women. The Union of Australian Women networks with other women's community and union groups on such issues.

Participants with peace banners during Aldermaston Peace march in 1964

Participants with peace banners during Aldermaston Peace march, Sunday, April 5th 1964. The Aldermaston march covered the distance between Ipswich and Brisbane, Australia, walked in relays covering approximately two miles each. Most relay sections were sponsored by one or more individual organisations.

HERMENÊUTICA DA SEXTA LANÇA: DARCY RIBEIRO E A IDENTIDADE RELIGIOSA DOS BRASILEIROS

A busca pela identidade religiosa dos brasileiros a partir do olhar de Darcy Ribeiro constitui o desafio que empreendemos neste trabalho. Trata-se de perceber o sentido de ser humano no mundo tempo e espaço do ponto de vista do religioso e do obscuro, mediante as narrativas de Darcy. Embora uma investigação como essa pudesse ocorrer pelos múltiplos caminhos das ciências e seus fundamentos, decidimos pela via das Ciências da Religião. A partir dos escritos de Darcy, vamos oferecer informações novas quanto à perspectiva religiosa no Brasil conforme se deu e ainda ocorre. Paradoxalmente, este antropólogo que sempre se afirmou ateu nos oferece algumas novas intuições que ampliam nossas conceituações no domínio das Ciências da Religião. Por não encontrarmos uma sistematização sobre a linguagem religiosa no pensamento de Darcy, buscamos estabelecer uma aproximação com a filosofia hermenêutica de Paul Ric ur. A noção de identidade narrativa, segundo Ricoeur, foi o elemento metodológico fundamental na articulação hermenêutica das intuições sobre o religioso em Darcy. Esta identidade narrativa encontra no trabalho da memória e na polissemia do símbolo outras formas de diálogo e enriquecimento da discussão. A articulação heurística, fruto de nossa intuição, nos permitirá revelar a identidade religiosa dos brasileiros pelo viés hermenêutico. A presente tarefa é efetuada com o olhar nas confissões de Darcy, no panorama histórico-religioso eivado de entrecruzamentos espirituais das diversas matrizes e do ambiente atual, particularmente complexo, existente no Brasil. Para nós, a obra de Darcy Ribeiro contribui de maneira coerente à expansão dos estudos em Ciências da Religião e sugere, de igual modo, a identidade religiosa dos brasileiros em fazimento. Darcy Ribeiro parte da antropologia, mas não se restringe à perspectiva do puro estruturalismo, desenvolvendo uma espécie de antropologia dialética em discussão com a filosofia. Esta pesquisa procura situar também a identidade religiosa dos brasileiros, apesar da cegueira que afeta o tecido religioso, marcado pelo radicalismo, pelo fundamentalismo e o conservadorismo. Para evidenciar melhor essa identidade, utilizamos duas metáforas: sexta lança e bricolagem, ambas alinhadas com o olhar de Darcy. A inusitada interpretação e busca da identidade religiosa dos brasileiros segundo Darcy Ribeiro somente foi possível pelas lentes hermenêuticas oferecidas por Paul Ric ur. Na perspectiva da noção de identidade narrativa, segundo Paul Ric ur, nos deparamos com as bases que nos ajudam a considerar esta identidade religiosa, seus limites e possibilidades, seus encontros e desencontros, seu fazimento e inacabamento.

The social construction of lesbianism: a reappraisal

The commentators in this reappraisal describe The Social Construction of Lesbianism (1987) as ‘classic’ (Coyle1), ‘exciting’ (Tiefer), ‘important’, (MacBride-Stewart), ‘fascinating’ (Snelling), a ‘remarkable achievement’ (Snelling), and an ‘engagingly written, political tour de force’ (Coyle). Like some of the commentators (Coyle, Snelling), one of us (VC) owns a well-read copy of The Social Construction of Lesbianism, highlighted in all the colours of the rainbow and covered in (now) rather cryptic notes. This was the copy that passed back and forth between us as we completed our PhDs in lesbian and gay psychology, both of which were supervised by Celia Kitzinger. As young lesbian feminists, we were drawn to Celia’s radicalism and uncompromising political commitment. She was an inspiring, challenging, passionate and energetic PhD supervisor, and we are honoured and privileged to edit this reappraisal of The Social Construction of Lesbianism, a book based on her PhD.

Out in psychology:lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and queer perspectives

There has been a recent explosion of interest in Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Trans Perspective Psychology amongst students and academics, and this interest is predicted to continue to rise. Recent media debates on subjects such as same–sex marriage have fuelled interest in LGBTQ perspectives. This edited collection showcases the latest thinking in LGBTQ psychology. The book has 21 chapters covering subjects such as same sex parenting, outing, young LGBTQ people, sport, learning disabilities, lesbian and gay identities etc. The book has an international focus, with contributors from UK, US, Canada, Australia and New Zealand List of Contributors. Foreword by Jerry J. Bigner. 1. Introducing Out in Psychology (Victoria Clarke and Elizabeth Peel). 2. From lesbian and gay psychology to LGBTQ psychologies: A journey into the unknown (Victoria Clarke and Elizabeth Peel) 3. What comes after discourse analysis for LGBTQ psychology(Peter Hegarty). 4. Recognising race in LGBTQ psychology: Power, privilege and complicity (Damien W. Riggs). 5. Personality, individual differences and LGB psychology (Gareth Hagger Johnson). 6. Heteronormativity and the exclusion of bisexuality in psychology (Meg Barker). 7. A minority within a minority: Experiences of gay men with intellectual disabilities.(Christopher Bennett and Adrian Coyle). 8. Closet talk: The contemporary relevance of the closet in lesbian and gay interaction (Victoria Land and Celia Kitzinger) 9. Romance, rights, recognition, responsibilities and radicalism: Same-sex couples’ accounts of civil partnership and marriage (Victoria Clarke, Carole Burgoyne and Maree Burns). 10. The experience of social power in the lives of trans people (Clair Clifford and Jim Orford). 11. What do they look like and are they among us? Bisexuality, (dis.closure and (Maria Gurevich, Jo Bower, Cynthia M. Mathieson and Bramilee Dhayanandhan). 12. Heterosexism at work: Diversity training, discrimination law and the limits of liberal individualism (Rosie Harding and Elizabeth Peel). 13. Out on the ball fields: Lesbians in sport (Vikki Krane and Kerrie J. Kauer). 14. Homophobia, rights and community: Contemporary issues in the lives of LGB people in the UK (Sonja J. Ellis). 15. Striving for holistic success: How lesbians come out on top (Faith Rostad and Bonita C. Long). 16. On Passing: The Interactional Organization of Appearance Attributions in the Psychiatric Assessment of Transsexual Patients (Susan A. Speer and Richard Green). 17. Alcohol and gay men: Consumption, promotion and policy responses (Jeffrey Adams, Timothy McCreanor and Virginia Braun). 18. Towards a clinical-psychological approach to address the hetero sexual concerns of intersexed women (Lih-Mei Liao). 19. Educational psychology practice with LGB youth in schools: Individual and institutional interventions (Jeremy J. Monsen and Sydney Bailey). 20. Que(e)rying the meaning of lesbian health: Individual(izing and community discourses (Sara MacBride-Stewart). 21. Transsexualism: Diagnostic dilemmas, transgender politics and the future of transgender care (Katherine Johnson). Index.

Radical or not so radical? Tactical variation in core policy formation by the Front National

Starting from a number of general tenets about radical political parties, this article examines the Front National (FN) in relation to its core policy issue of immigration. To what extent has FN immigration policy been defined from the outset by its radicalism? Has that radicalism been constant or variable over time? And how far can a reciprocal influence be detected between the FN and the center Right in immigration policy formulation? Focusing on election campaigns, manifestos, and key moments in the FN's evolution, the article assesses how the party has tailored its radicalism to contextual factors and tactical considerations. It reveals an FN less bound to a fixed policy and more ready to seek accommodation (with circumstance, public opinion, or the center Right) than is generally acknowledged. Conversely, it also assesses how the FN's mobilization of strong support on the immigration issue has had radicalizing effects on the center Right. The article concludes by considering whether the change of leadership in January 2011 might confine the FN to the radical Right or see it adopt a more center-oriented course.

The Front National:from systematic opposition to systemic integration?

For most of its existence, the Front National (FN) fitted the classic definition of the anti-system party, opposing the founding values, institutions and elites of the Fifth Republic. Now, under Marine Le Pen's leadership, it has embarked on a strategy to integrate to the regime it once defied. Does this strategy of normalisation bear scrutiny? Using a framework drawn from Giovanni Sartori and Robert Michels, this article asks whether the FN is a one-time anti-system party that is becoming mainstream, and also whether these simple oppositional categories are adequate for understanding ideological and policy evolution in the FN's case. Through an analysis of continuity and change in FN strategy and programmes, the article shows a party torn between anti-system differentiation and institutional adaptation. It may claim to have cast out its demons but has not undertaken the necessary moderation of its programme to substantiate that claim. The FN today is on no linear path of deradicalisation but exhibits a combination of consistent, diminished and increasing radicalism across different policy areas. Despite an upward dynamic and a hugely favourable context, it remains almost entirely excluded from power and far from the breakthrough required to become a party of government.

As compreensões do construtivismo de Ernst Von Glasersfeld e John Fossa: intermediando um diálogo em busca de novas significações

The present thesis, orientated by a letter sent by Ernst von Glasersfeld to John Fossa, is the product of a theoretical investigation of radical constructivism. In this letter, von Glasersfeld made three observations about Fossa’s understanding of radical constructivism. However, we limited our study to the second of these considerations since it de als with some of the core issues of constructivism. Consequently, we investigated what issues are raised by von Glasersfeld’s observation and whether these issues are relevant to a better understanding of constructivism and its implications for the mathema tics classroom . In order to realize the investigation, it was necessary to characterize von Glasersfeld’s epistemological approach to constructivism, to identify which questions about radical constructivism are raised by von Glasersfeld’s observation, to i nvestigate whether these issues are relevant to a better understanding of constructivism and to analyze the implications of these issues for the mathematics classroom. Upon making a hermeneutic study of radical constructivism, we found that what is central to it is its radicalism, in the sense that it breaks with tradition by its absence of an ontology. Thus, we defend the thesis that the absence of an ontology, although it has advantages for radical constructivism, incurs serious problems not only for the theory itself, but also for its implications for the mathematics classroom. The advantages that we were able to identify include a change from the usual philosophical paths to a very different rational view of the world, an overcoming of a naive way of thi nking, an understanding of the subject as active in the construction of his/her experiential reality, an interpretation of cognition as an instrument of adaptation, a new concept of knowledge and a vision of knowledge as fallible (or provisional). The prob lems are associated with the impossibility of radical constructivism to explain adequately why the reality that we build up is regular, stable, non - arbitrary and publicly shared. With regard to the educational implications of radical constructivism, the ab sence of an ontology brings to the mathematics classroom not only certain relevant aspects (or favorable points) that make teaching a process of researching student learning, empowering the student to learn and changing the classroom design, but also certa in weaknesses or limitations. These weaknesses or limitations of constructivism in the classroom are due to its conception of knowledge as being essentially subjective. This requires it to work with one - on - one situations and, likewise, makes the success of teaching dependent on the teacher’s individual skills. Perhaps the most important weakness or limitation, in this sense, is that it makes teaching orientated by constructivist principles unable to reach the goal of the formation of a community. We conclud e that issues raised by von Glasersfeld’s observation are absolutely relevant to the context of a better understanding of radical constructivism and its implications for education, especially for Mathematics Education.

Other Than a Citizen: Vernacular Poetics in Postwar America

Few symbols of 1950s-1960s America remain as central to our contemporary conception of Cold War culture as the iconic ranch-style suburban home. While the house took center stage in the Nixon/Khrushchev kitchen debates as a symbol of modern efficiency and capitalist values, its popularity depended largely upon its obvious appropriation of vernacular architecture from the 19th century, those California haciendas and Texas dogtrots that dotted the American west. Contractors like William Levitt modernized the historical common houses, hermetically sealing their porous construction, all while using the ranch-style roots of the dwelling to galvanize a myth of an indigenous American culture. At a moment of intense occupational bureaucracy, political uncertainty and atomized social life, the rancher gave a self-identifying white consumer base reason to believe they could master their own plot in the expansive frontier. Only one example of America’s mid-century love affair with commodified vernacular forms, the ranch-style home represents a broad effort on the part of corporate and governmental interest groups to transform the vernacular into a style that expresses a distinctly homogenous vision of American culture. “Other than a Citizen” begins with an anatomy of that transformation, and then turns to the work of four poets who sought to reclaim the vernacular from that process of standardization and use it to countermand the containment-era strategies of Cold War America.

In four chapters, I trace references to common speech and verbal expressivity in the poetry and poetic theory of Charles Olson, Robert Duncan, LeRoi Jones/Amiri Baraka and Gwendolyn Brooks, against the historical backdrop of the Free-Speech Movement and the rise of mass-culture. When poets frame nonliterary speech within the literary page, they encounter the inability of writing to capture the vital ephemerality of verbal expression. Rather than treat this limitation as an impediment, the writers in my study use the poem to dramatize the fugitivity of speech, emphasizing it as a disruptive counterpoint to the technologies of capture. Where critics such as Houston Baker interpret the vernacular strictly in terms of resistance, I take a cue from the poets and argue that the vernacular, rooted etymologically at the intersection of domestic security and enslaved margin, represents a gestalt form, capable at once of establishing centralized power and sparking minor protest. My argument also expands upon Michael North’s exploration of the influence of minstrelsy and regionalism on the development of modernist literary technique in The Dialect of Modernism. As he focuses on writers from the early 20th century, I account for the next generation, whose America was not a culturally inferior collection of immigrants but an imperial power, replete with economic, political and artistic dominance. Instead of settling for an essentially American idiom, the poets in my study saw in the vernacular not phonetic misspellings, slang terminology and fragmented syntax, but the potential to provoke and thereby frame a more ethical mode of social life, straining against the regimentation of citizenship.

My attention to the vernacular argues for an alignment among writers who have been segregated by the assumption that race and aesthetics are mutually exclusive categories. In reading these writers alongside one another, “Other than a Citizen” shows how the avant-garde concepts of projective poetics and composition by field develop out of an interest in black expressivity. Conversely, I trace black radicalism and its emphasis on sociality back to the communalism practiced at the experimental arts college in Black Mountain, North Carolina, where Olson and Duncan taught. In pressing for this connection, my work reveals the racial politics embedded within the speech-based aesthetics of the postwar era, while foregrounding the aesthetic dimension of militant protest.

Not unlike today, the popular rhetoric of the Cold War insists that to be a citizen involves defending one’s status as a rightful member of an exclusionary nation. To be other than a citizen, as the poets in my study make clear, begins with eschewing the false certainty that accompanies categorical nominalization. In promoting a model of mutually dependent participation, these poets lay the groundwork for an alternative model of civic belonging, where volition and reciprocity replace compliance and self-sufficiency. In reading their lines, we become all the more aware of the cracks that run the length of our load-bearing walls.

Radical Ambition: A Portrait of the Toronto New Left, 1958-1985

This thesis examines the rise and decline of the New Left in Toronto from 1958 to 1985. It argues that New Leftism — whose three leading ideals were self-management, national liberation, and community — arose as much from the Old Left as it did from the peace movement. In contrast to earlier readings that interpret the New Left narrowly — essentially, as the combined forces of the white student and peace movements evident mainly on university campuses — this thesis documents the extent to which New Leftism, interpreted as a political formation, provided a framework for a diversity of radical social movements, especially feminism, Black Power, gay liberation, resistance to the capitalist redevelopment of the city, and transnational solidarity. It also questions a declensionist narrative that adopts a “decadal” approach to the radicalism of the sixties, according to which 1970 spelled the end of “60s” radicalism. Quite the contrary, this thesis argues: in Toronto, it would be truer to say that 1970s were “the sixties,” in that only in this later decade did many New Left movements attain their full maturity. New Leftists successfully challenged a host of institutions, sometimes with permanent effects. The educational system was transformed. Cultural institutions and practices were revolutionized. Questions of race and gender, once peripheral to the left, were made central to it. Democratic community institutions became far more powerful. A token of the strength and durability of the New Left in Toronto was the extent to which it remained the bête noir of a series of other radical groups upholding the model of the vanguard communist party — which challenged the New Leftists’ prominence but many members of which often wound up agreeing with their positions. It was only in the early 1980s, with the ascent of a new right, that Toronto’s New Left unmistakably entered a period of decline. Yet, even then, many of its key themes were picked up by fast-growing anarchist and socialist feminist currents. Far from constituting a minor phenomenon, Toronto’s New Left, one of the largest movements for social justice in Canadian history, bequeathed to its progressive successors an imposing legacy of struggle and cultural achievements. It is the purpose of this thesis to evaluate, both critically and sympathetically, the extent to which the New Left attained its radical ambition.

The Electoral Rise of Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe: Ideological Parameters and Social Motivations

Populist radical right parties have become major political actors in Europe. This paper analyses the path and the different phases that have led them from the fringes of public debate to their present signifi cance, which is based on their capacity to attract electoral support and infl uence the political agendas in their respective countries. Besides, an analysis of the core ideological beliefs of these parties, and of the topics on which their mobilization capacity rests, is provided, as well as of the type of voters that are attracted by them. Finally, the authors discuss the meaning and impact of the growing popularity of the ideas and proposals put forward by the populist radical right parties.

Spanish monarchy and the Portuguese Republic: two routes to democratization

From 1974 to 1986 the Iberian Peninsula was the arena of major political changes. The process then undertaken was characterized by the transition from two Iberian authoritarian regimes to two democracies, which enabled both countries to join the European Economic Community (EEC) on 1 January 1986. However, the political vicissitudes until full membership of what became the European Union (EU) was achieved were very different and were decisively, although not exclusively, influenced by the fact Portugal was a republic and Spain a monarchy. In Portugal the 1974 revolution took place with consequent shift of the head of state while in Spain the engine of change was precisely the head of state: King Juan Carlos I. It is also true that despite the dangers to democracy (terrorism in Spain and some radicalism in Portugal) both societies supported the political parties committed to the democratic process in elections, which helped avoid tensions that could have defeated the process. Likewise, it is possible to argue that in Spain a plan to achieve democracy within the rule of law (an archetypal transition) was designed by the head of state, while in Portugal there was no pre-established plan – the programme of the Armed Forces Movement (Movimento das Forças Armadas [MFA]) was a weak and precarious compromise between different visions of the road to follow, enabling an intense political struggle that almost led to civil war and a dangerous state of crisis.