124 resultados para Radicalism
Resumo:
El interés del presente estudio de caso es analizar la estrategia de securitización implementada por el Presidente de la Republica de Uzbekistán Islam Karimov sobre el Movimiento Islámico de Uzbekistán. Se describe y se explica cómo desde las lógicas históricas y étnicas acontecidas en Asia Central, se pueden comprender los alcances internacionales de la confrontación antagónica ejercida entre uzbekos al apoyar ideas de corte secular e islamista. Así, siguiendo los parámetros establecidos por Barry Buzan con respecto a la securitización, se puede llegar a identificar la creación de una agenda de seguridad uzbeka en la región de Asia Central, cuyos logros permitieron disminuir el riesgo de la amenaza insurgente.
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This article examines the relationship between nationalism and liberal values, and more specifically the redefinition of boundaries between national communities and others in the rhetoric of radical right parties in Europe. The aim is to examine the tension between radical right party discourse and the increasing need to shape this discourse in liberal terms. We argue that the radical right parties that successfully operate within the democratic system tend to be those best able to tailor their discourse to the liberal and civic characteristics of national identity so as to present themselves and their ideologies as the true authentic defenders of the nation's unique reputation for democracy, diversity and tolerance. Comparing the success of a number of European radical right parties ranging from the most electorally successful SVP to the more mixed BNP, FN and NPD, we show that the parties that effectively deploy the symbolic resources of national identity through a predominantly voluntaristic prism tend to be the ones that fare better within their respective political systems. In doing so, we challenge the conventional view in the study of nationalism which expects civic values to shield countries from radicalism and extremism.
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In 1938, Yugoslav sculptor Oscar Nemon arrived in Britain, having fled the Nazi invasion of Brussels, where he was living with Magritte. He was part of the European avant-garde that came to the UK as a refugee. Shortly thereafter, Nemon proposed a bold architectural plan to construct a temple of universal ethics in London and was in correspondence over this with central figures in Britain. After the war, he became know for his portrayal of figures like Churchil, culminating in a bust of Margaret Thatcher that is currently at the Tory HQ. Shown at Castlefield Gallery in 2013-2014, Radical Conservatism was an exhibition that explored the space between these two moments and asked whether these two terms are really antithetical. In the British context in particular, where the European avant-garde never really took hold, a kind of reactionary modernism has always defined a culture wary of revolution. But today more than ever, with the left increasingly holding on to the past of the welfare state as an ideal, and the right quietly revolutionising our world through neoliberal reforms, the paradigms of radicalism and conservatism need to be redefined. Can conservatism be seen as a radical position in itself? If art is defined by a movement towards the new - could 'holding on to the past' stubbornly be seen as a critical position, now that neo-liberalism has forced a far more radical shift in politics than the left has managed in a long time? Curated by Pil and Galia Kollectiv, featuring work by Chris Evans, IRWIN, Pil and Galia Kollectiv, Joseph Lewis, Patrick Moran, Oscar Nemon and Public Movement and a symposium with contributions from Professor Alun Rowlands and Robert Garnett.
Resumo:
This article considers cinematic time in James Benning’s film, casting a glance (2007), in relation to its subject, Robert Smithson’s 1970 earthwork Spiral Jetty, and his film of the same name. The radicalism of Smithson’s thinking on time has been widely acknowledged, and his influence continues to pervade contemporary artistic practice. The relationship of Benning’s films with this legacy may appear somewhat oblique, given their apparent phenomenological rendition of ‘real time’. However, closer examination of Benning’s formal strategies reveals a more complex temporal construction, characterized by uncertain intervals that interrupt the folding of cinematic time into the flow of consciousness. Smithson’s film uses cinematic analogy to gesture towards vast reaches of geological time; Benning’s film creates a simulated timescale to evoke the short history of the earthwork itself. Smithson’s embrace of the entropic was a counter-cultural stance at the end of the1960s, but under the shadow of ecological disaster, this orientation has come to appear melancholy and romantic rather than radical. Benning’s film returns the jetty to anthropic time, but raises questions about the ways we inhabit time. His practice of working with ‘borrowed time’ is particularly suited to the cultural and historical moment of his later work.
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This article examines the role played by ideas and their thinkers in Christopher Hill's histories of the English Revolution. Hill protested against a reductionist economic determinism with no place for the intrinsic power of ideas, but his account of ideas gave them a progressive logic parallel to, if not always easy to link with, that of economic development, and threatened to divorce them from their muddled and imperfect thinkers. This account of the logic of ideas had a striking impact on the way in which the more mainstream radicals of the English Revolution appeared in Hill's work, with both the Levellers and James Harrington being half assimilated to, and half pushed aside in favor of, the more thoroughgoing economic radicals who expressed, in however ragged a way, the intrinsic potential of their ideas. However, Hill's writings also betray a surprising attraction to religious over secular forms of radicalism.
Resumo:
From the start of the English civil war, the parliamentarians were a fragmented coalition, held together by distrust of the king and a belief that Parliament was entitled to lead action to remedy his government’s deficiencies. The driving motivations of parliamentarians were various, including the religious commitments of puritanism, legalistic thought about the ancient constitution, and more radical notions of republicanism or natural rights. Historians have disputed whether parliamentarianism had an inherent strand of radicalism – or radical potential – from the early 1640s, but radicalization certainly took place as the civil wars went on, alongside more ‘conservative’ reactions against the propaganda and wartime measures employed by parliament. Parliamentarian radicalism itself was varied in character, embracing the Levellers’ populism, parliamentary absolutism, and millenarian and providentialist ideas.
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Over the last one of two decades, researchers within the physical education (PE) and sport pedagogy research frequently use the concept ‘the material body’. An initial purpose of this article is to explore what a concept of a ‘material body’ might mean. What other bodies are there? Who would dispute the materiality of bodies? I suggest that the use of a concept as ‘the material body’ suggests a hesitation before the radicalism of the linguistic turn in the sense that the concept ‘discourse’ does not include a material dimension. In this way ‘the material body’ relates to an interpretation of ‘the socially (or discursively) constructed body’ as void of matter. A further purpose with the article is to re-inscribe matter in the concept of ‘discourse’. This is done by way of discussing what theorists like Michel Foucault and, in particular, Judith Butler, has to say about the materiality of the body. In their writings, discourse should not be limited to spoken and/or written language. Rather, discourse is understood in terms of actions and events that create meanings—that matters. One conclusion of the article is that it is important to problematise the mundane view of discourse as ‘verbal interchange’ because it reinforces the promise of an objective knowledge that will eventually shed light on the ‘real’ body and the mysteries of sexual difference, what its origins are, what causes it. Another conclusion is that the PE and sport pedagogy research should pay less attention to the body as an object (what it ‘is’), and pay more attention to how the body matters, and e.g. how movements make bodies matter.
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Enlightenment and boundary work: a study of the first-generation Swedish analytical philosophers from a sociology-of-philosophy perspective The history of Swedish analytical philosophy begins with the writings of Ingemar Hedenius, Anders Wedberg, and Konrad Marc-Wogau, who introduced the country to a new style of thinking that was to become the dominant mode of academic philosophizing in it from the mid-1940s to the late 1960s. The article presents a sociological analysis of how that hegemonic position was claimed and established for it in Swedish philosophy departments. In particular, the critique that Hedenius, Wedberg, and Marc-Wogau levelled in their popular writings against continental philosophy is looked upon in detail. Drawing upon Thomas Gieryn’s theory of boundary work, it is shown how the three strove for epistemic authority by demarcating their own ‘scientific’ enterprise from the ‘unscientific’ philosophy of their competitors. This quest for authority, however, was pursued not solely for its own sake: Hedenius, Wedberg, and Marc-Wogau were also all firmly committed to the ideals of enlightenment and cultural radicalism shaping the Swedish society of their time.
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Este trabalho busca analisar um breve, mas rico, período da trajetória de Alceu Amoroso Lima, ou Tristão de Athayde, seu pseudônimo, considerado um dos principais pensadores católicos do século XX. Os anos compreendidos entre 1964 e 1968 servem como um ensaio para aquela que chamamos aqui de fase de radicalização, quando o escritor, por meio de seus artigos publicados semanalmente no Jornal do Brasil, desfere duras críticas ao regime militar implantado em 1964. Durante estes anos, a política, que sempre permeou seus livros e colunas nos jornais, passa a ser a tônica de tudo o que escreve, junto com os acontecimentos que marcaram a Igreja Católica e a sociedade brasileira. A análise desta pesquisa é feita tendo como fontes principais as cartas trocadas diariamente entre o jornalista e sua filha, madre Maria Teresa, e os artigos que publicava semanalmente no Jornal do Brasil. Também foram realizadas entrevistas com personalidades que conviveram com Alceu e analisadas entrevistas concedidas por ele e depois publicadas em livros.
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Uma nova abordagem sobre Análise de Trabalho é o que norteia esta dissertação. Partindo de uma. avaliação preliminar sobre as metodologias existentes, visa oferecer uma perspectiva inovadora no plano técnico e metodológico, através de um m:x3.elo especifico, aqui, denominado - TAREFA CRÍTICA. Nesta trajetória a temática envolve, preliminarmente, uma. reavaliação em termos organizacionais dos aspectos administrativos e comportamentais, vinculados ao estudo do trabalho humano. Sucessivamente, são postos em discussão os problemas específicos das metodologias utilizadas em Análise de Trabalhe, revistos em suas noções básicas. Esta primeira avaliação permite enfrentar uma análise subsequente englobando uma revisão dos métodos, através de termos coordenadores aptos a levantar a diretriz lógica dos processos classificatórios existentes. Desta forma, são fixados e discutidos critérios destinados a classificar as classificações dos métodos, no intuito de se entender a própria lógica subjacente ao sentido e aos objetivos de cada um. A Análise, até certo ponto, exaustiva desses termos, além de propiciar a sistematização conceitual da relação e interação dos métodos frente aos seus objetivos e respectivos resultados, conduziu à proposta metodológica que constitui objeto desta tese. A TAREFA CRÍTICA pretende conciliar, definitivamente, a análise do binômio trabalho-trabalhador, pelo emprego de um raciocínio em parte construtivista, e em parte essencialista; superando, de um lado, os radicalismos operacionais e, de outro, os impasses empiristas em análise de Trabalho. Seu desenvolvimento se originou da hipótese de que sempre há um núcleo fundamental no comportamento do trabalhador a ser definido a partir dos eventos ou dados positivos do trabalho, e susceptivel de explicitar uma significação enucleada nas metas organizacionais que lhe correspondem.
Resumo:
Discute-se, neste texto, o significado dos 14 anos de governos Radicais que se seguiram à vitória da Frente Popular em 1938. Neste período, o Chile conseguiu combinar crescimento econômico e democracia representativa, alcançando um grau nada desprezível de modernização. Ruptura e continuidade compõem o par indissolúvel do percurso modernizador vivido a partir da Frente Popular, quando se instituiu um novo nexo entre economia, política e relações sociais. O período é caracterizado como uma modalidade específica de revolução passiva, responsável pela atualização da ordem capitalista no país.
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Este texto apresenta algumas hipóteses e idéias sobre o comércio de abastecimento da cidade de São Paulo, entre os anos 1765-1822, através de dados quantitativos e qualitativos levantados em dois conjuntos documentais produzidos pelo Senado da Câmara: Atas e Papéis Avulsos. Este comércio é entendido como um dos circuitos do organismo colonial, conforme proposto por José Roberto do Amaral Lapa. Neste sentido, vem sendo constatado seu funcionamento autônomo, de acordo com os fluxos do mercado interno, as ações dos negociantes-arrematadores de contratos e as reações do Senado da Câmara de São Paulo para enfrentar seus contextos de crise e a radicalização de relações de poder em torno deste circuito mercantil, como fator desencadeador de disputas e hostilidades entre interesses políticos locais, negociantes-arrematadores e autoridades régias.
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)