832 resultados para Racial relations
Resumo:
In order to refute the interpretation that racial democracy in Brazil has simply been an illusion or ruse of white supremacy, the authors analyze the participation of Black leaders in the elaboration of the Brazilian national imaginary in the 1940s. They argue that during that period, racial democracy was a powerful instrument for mobilizing Blacks as well, whether as nationalists or anti-racists. The authors explore one of the most important sources through which this ideology was forged by a key figure of the Black intelligentsia, Abdias do Nascimento, with his column in the Diario Trabalhista [Laborite Daily] entitled ""Problems and Aspirations of Black Brazilians"". In this column, Nascimento published dozens of interviews with Black leaders and common people that demonstrate the foundations, principles, and interests involved in the construction of a racial democracy.
Resumo:
This paper discusses two arguments raised against Hornstein`s (1999, 2001) Movement Theory of Control (MTC): Landau`s (2003) contrast between raising and passivized subject control predicates and Culicover and Jackendoff`s (2001) contrast between control and raising within nominals. I show that rather than counter-arguments, the data they present can actually be analyzed as arguments in favor of the MTC. More specifically, I argue that the puzzling contrasts discussed by these authors can be adequately accounted for within the MTC if minimality computations regarding A-movement are relativized in terms of phi- or theta-relations.
Resumo:
This article examines the relation between President Janio Quadros and the National Congress during the early 1960`s. Based on the analysis of the discourse of these figures, it proposes that Quadros maneuvered to diminish the legitimacy of the Congress in the public opinion, thus disrespecting its constitutional competencies. Consequently, it shows that not only did the Congress structure political mechanisms in an attempt to recover its credibility with society, but also that this dispute and its results had important effects on President Joao Goulart`s administration and even on the 1964 military coup.
Resumo:
Accepting Furet’s claim that events acquire meaning and significance only in the context of narratives, this article argues that a particular type of international relations narrative has emerged with greater distinction after the traumatic experience of September 11: the gothic narrative. In a sense the political rhetoric of President Bush marks the latest example of America’s fine tradition in the gothic genre that began with Edgar Allan Poe and Nathaniel Hawthorne and extends through Henry James to Stephen King. His discourse of national security, it will be shown, assumes many of the predicates of gothic narratives. The gothic scenes evoked by Bush as much as Poe involve monsters and ghosts in tenebrous atmospheres that generate fear and anxiety, where terror is a pervasive tormentor of the senses. Poe’s narratives, for example, turn on encounters with dark, perverse, seemingly indomitable, forces often entombed in haunted houses. Similarly, Bush’s post-September 11 narratives play upon fears of terrorists and rogue states who are equally dark, perverse and indomitable forces. In both cases, ineffable and potently violent and cruel forces haunt and terrorise the civilised, human world.